Ð ªê®ªê«®ª» ªÊ« ªþº®ªº«ª®ªúªê«ªº«ªº«ê®ªê®ªê®ªúªê«ª®ªºªê¯ª®«ª®ªºªºªÎªÊªêºªê«ª¯ª®ªºªê«ªº«ê«ª®ªê®ªê¯ª®ªºªê«ª®ª¾ªº«ª®ªºªê«þªº«ªê«ª®ª¾ªºªê«ª®ªº¯ðª®ªê®ª®ªºªê«ª®ªºªê®ªÊªºªê«ªºªú®ªºªê«ÿþª¿ª®ªê®ªúªê®ªê¾ªê®ªê®ªº«ª®ªº«ª«ê¬ªº«ªº«ª¾ªê®ªÊ®ªê«ª®ªº«ª®ªº«ªº«ª®ªêªê¬ *«ª® ªºªê®ª° *®ªºªê¬ *«ª®ê«ª®ªºªÀªê««ª®ªºªê« ª®ª¬ 2 æF36 åG72 ÛI108 Î hey often expressed their discontent by resorting to crowd € action apart from the wishes of the popular party. These € actions testify that Ebenezer Mackintosh has not a tool of € the elite. Yet Mackintosh's leadership and his control of E7 7 € € The term Captain does not refer to military office, but € rather to Mackintosh's leadership of the mob. € As the leader of the South End, Mackintosh became a € powerful figure in theE1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The social disorder of the last twenty years has € prompted historians to look afresh at the question of € violence in American history. Does the historical recE5 5 € € The first, a daughter named after her mother, was born on € July 17,1735. Then came a son, Ebenezer who was born on € June 20, l737.µ11´ € Married life did not satisfy Moses Mackin growing controversy between England € and the American colonies. His influence and control over € a substantial portion of Bostonians could evolve into a € potent weapon if harnessed. The Sons of Liberty therefore € sought to incorporate Ebenezer Mackinord € reveal the American people as especially violence-prone? € Have mob actions punctuated the nation's development to a € marked degree? If so, what are we to make of it? Have € mobs been self-propelled, or have they been called into € being and maniptosh, for in € April 1737, two months prior to Ebenezer's birth, Moses € returned to Castle William.µ12´ He remained at the garrison € until July 12, 1753, serving first as a private, then € sentinel, corporal, sergeant, and finally as a second € gunner utosh into their € structure of resistance. As such, he was directed by € those above him and employed when other means of opposi½- € tion, including petitions, town meetings and economic € pressure, failed. He and his men, however, were more akin € to meulated by certain crafty leaders? € What was the nature and the importance of mobs in € that most glorious epoch in the history of the American € people, the Revolution? Who were the "bellwethers" of the € flock" (as Gouverneur Morris called them in nder the command of Captain Spencer Phips, € Esquire.µ13´ € His son, Ebenezer, also became active in the military € and served in the war with France. On December 7, 1754, € Ebenezer Mackintosh signed up in the "alarm list of € Militia" for Ward 12.n such as Paul Revere and his co-conspirators, than € mindless pawns activated by the leaders of the popular € party. Although motivated by many of the same patriotic € concerns, Mackintosh and his men, had some discretion: € when convinced that additionacontempt and € horror), the leaders of the urban mobs? What was their € motivation and what were their methods? It is the purpose € of this essay to illuminate some of these questions by € directing attention to Boston in the pre-Revolution € decade, and This was located in Boston's South € End from Beach Street southward to the Roxbury line.µ14´ € Four years later, Ebenezer enlisted in the company of € Captain Eliphalet Fales of Colonel Ebenezer Nicholas's € regiment.µ15´ The purpose of this enlistmenl force was necessary, they € might act independently of the Sons of Liberty and the € Loyal Nine. Due to the fact that many members of € Mackintosh's band were excluded from political par½- € ticipation within the town due to property qualifications, € t to one of the most active of the popular leaders, Ebenezer Mackintosh. € Mob action was not the earliest recourse of those in € Massachusetts who were provoked by the British colonial t was to raise € enough men for an expedition against Canada.µ16´ During the € war, Ebenezer Mackintosh's exposure to combat consisted of € an assault by a force of French and Indians during an € unsuccessful relief expedition of the besieged garrison at ccasion provided the € rival North and South End factions within Boston an oppor½- € tunity to challenge one another in physical combat. It € was through his participation as a leader of men in these € Pope's Day contests that Mackintosh obtained notorietiÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä8Ä0 € (New York: Academic Press, 1977); John Kern, "The Politics € of Violence: Colonial American Rebellions, Protests and € Riots, 1676-1747," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconeaders as € a form of colonial opposition. y € within the South End. These physical contests of power € between the North and South Ends provided Mackintosh with € both the experience and opportunity of advancement through € the social ranks of the common people. His ability to € engage in succes€ Fort Edward.µ17´ € After serving in the French and Indian war, Ebenezer € Mackintosh returned to the South End and to the trade of a E9 9 µ1´Contributions to the analysis of crowd action have been made by John K. Alexander, "The Fort Wilson Incident € of 1799. A Case Study of the Revolutionary Crowd," WMQ € 31: 589-612sful attacks upon fellow colonists as well € as government officials became increasingly apparent and € he soon acquired a substantial following within the town. Then, on November 5, 1764, Ebenezer appeared with designa½- € tion Captain Mackintosh, the leE6 6 € € cordwainer or shoemaker, a craft he may have learned from € his uncle, Ichabod Jones.µ18´ As a shoemaker, Mackintosh € became acquainted with a number of his neighbors and € thereby gain (l974); Edward Countryman, "Legislative € Government in Revolutionary New York, 1777-1788," (Ph.D. € diss. Cornell University, 1971) and "The Problem of the € Early American Crowd," ÄJÄoÄuÄrÄnÄaÄlÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄSÄtÄuÄdÄiÄeÄs (GB) € 7:77-90 (19ader of the South End.µ20´ ed prominence. By 1760 he was a fireman in € the South End Despatch Fire Engine Number 9.µ19´ As time € progressed, Ebenezer Mackintosh began to take part in a € few popular celebrations, including the anniversary of the € King's coronation, the King's b73), and 'Out of the Bounds of the Law: € Northern Land Rioters in the Eighteenth Century," in ÄTÄhÄe € ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, ed. A.F. Young (DeKalb, Ill.: € Northern Illinois University Press, 1976), pp. 37-69; Dirk € Hoerder, ÄSÄoÄcÄiÄeE8 8 € € Boston's mob became a vital link in the chain uniting € colonists in opposition to British policies. € Ebenezer Mackintosh's participation in the process € leading to the American Reirthday, and Guy Fawkes or € Pope's Day. € Pope's Day was held every November 5 in commemoration € of Guy Fawkes's failure to blow up Parliament in 1605. € Later, the defeat of the Popish Plot of Titus Oakes became € a part of the celebration. This oÄtÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄGÄoÄvÄeÄrÄnÄmÄeÄnÄtÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä0Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä8Ä0Ä:Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄoÄwÄeÄr € ÄSÄtÄrÄuÄcÄtÄuÄrÄeÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄTÄoÄwÄnÄsÄhÄiÄpÄs (Berlin: John F. € Kennedy Institute, Freie Universitat Berlin, 1972), and € ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ Ävolution proved to be highly € significant, as the following chapters will demonstrate. € But before Ebenezer Mackintosh came to the forefront of € the conflict, many events were necessary to allow for the € rise of crowd action and the emergence of such lk between the common € people and the leadership of the town. This was due to € their status as artisans and shopkeepers which afforded € them ample opportunity to create a vast informal network € among the lower classes. € The people at large, that lliam Cobbett ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄf € ÄEÄnÄgÄlÄaÄnÄd (London: T. Curson Mansard, 1806-1820) 3:1355, € 1370, 1371, 1374. € µ5´Suffolk Deeds 1:4,7, SCCH; "Scotch Prisoners Sent € to Massachusetts in 1652 by Order E10 10 € € The Mechanics and New York City Politics, 1774-1801," € ÄLÄaÄbÄoÄrÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy 5:215-276 (1964): Alfred F. Young, "The € 'Bailyn' Thesis and the Problem of 'Popular' Ideology. A € Cis the free, white, adult € males, were at the bottom of this political power struc½- € ture, and, as such, they were severely limited in their € outlets for political participation. Only through the € town meetings and geographical units were they able tof the English € Government," NEHGR 1:378-379 (l847); Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 16. € µ6´Probate Records of the County of Suffolk, € Massachusetts, #5166, 24:274, #4984, 24:322 SCCH. Moses omment," (Paper prepared for the annual convention of the € Organization of American Historians, Denver, 1974), and € editor, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ.Ä Ä ÄEÄxÄpÄlÄoÄrÄaÄtÄiÄoÄnÄsÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄsin, € 1976); Pauline R. Maier, "Popular Uprisings and Civil € Authority in Eighteenth Century America," WMQ 27:3-35 € (1970), and ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ:Ä ÄCÄoÄlÄoÄnÄiÄaÄl € ÄRÄaÄdÄiÄcÄaÄlÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄvÄeÄlF23 23 € € exerting influence downward or relaying grievances € upward.µ22´ € An offshoot of the North End Caucus was a secret € organization known as the Loyal Nine. The members of the € LonÄ ÄRÄaÄdÄiÄcÄaÄlÄiÄsÄm (De kalb. Ill.: Northern € Illinois University Press, 1976). µ2´BTR 24:230, 28:186; MA 91:298-299. µ3´Sir Iain Moncreiffe, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄsÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄe € ÄDÄyÄnÄaÄsÄtÄiÄcÄ ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄsÄ,Ä ÄCÄhÄiÄeÄfÄÄoÄpÄmÄeÄnÄtÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄOÄpÄpÄoÄsÄiÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ ÄtÄo € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄaÄiÄnÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä6 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972): € Staughton Lynd and Alfred F. Young, "After Carl Becker: yal Nine were John Avery Jr., the junior partner of John € Avery and Son, who would later become "mob secretary;" € Thomas Chase and William Speakman, distillers; Henry Bass, € a merchant; Benjamin Edes and John Gill, the printers of € the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄBÄaÄcÄkÄgÄrÄoÄuÄnÄdÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄs € ÄCÄoÄnÄnÄeÄcÄtÄeÄdÄ ÄwÄiÄtÄhÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄSÄoÄmÄeÄ ÄoÄtÄhÄeÄrÄ ÄFÄaÄmÄiÄlÄiÄeÄs € (London: Barrie & Rockliff, 1967) p. 126; George Eyre- € Todd, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaG84 84 € € µ65´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 17, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:143, HHL; Hutchinson to Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, € 26:145b, MA. € µ66´Cunningham, ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe; Thomas Crafts Jr., a painter; George € Trott, jeweller; John Smith and Stephen Cleverly, € braziers; and Henry Welles.µ23´ This group, meeting in a € counting room in Chase and Speakman's distillery on € Hanover Square, provided a direct linÄnÄdÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄcÄoÄtÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄiÄrÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄTÄrÄaÄdÄiÄtÄiÄoÄnÄs (London: Heath, Cranton Limited, 1923) 2:334- € 346; George P. Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh, Stamp Act € Rioter and Patriot," CSMP 26:15-16. µ4´Wi ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄRÄoÄwÄe, pp. € 139, 172, 191, 205, 248, 316; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:341-342. € µ67´Hutchinson to August 16, 1765, 26:145b, MA. aÄcÄkÄgÄrÄoÄuÄnÄdÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄs € ÄCÄoÄnÄnÄeÄcÄtÄeÄdÄ ÄwÄiÄtÄhÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄSÄoÄmÄeÄ ÄoÄtÄhÄeÄrÄ ÄFÄaÄmÄiÄlÄiÄeÄs € (London: Barrie & Rockliff, 1967) p. 126; George Eyre- € Todd, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄn the men from Engine Number 8 did so and € were honored by the citizens of Boston with a bonus for € their efforts.µ5´ The great fire furthered Kneeland's € thoughts of retirement and, at the next meeting of the € selectmen on June 18, 1760, he resigned. r. µ10´BTR 28:186, 36:163; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," pp. 21-22. µ11´BTR 21:88, 24:230; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," p. 22. µ13´MA 91:298-299. µ13´MA 91:299,302,313,319, 92:11,22,105,108,179,203,204, 93:33,63,73,76,80,9ÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄcÄoÄtÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄiÄrÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄTÄrÄaÄdÄiÄtÄiÄoÄnÄs (London: Heath, Cranton Limited, 1923) 2:334- € 346; George P. Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh, Stamp Act € Rioter and Patriot," CSMP 26:15-16. µ4´William Cobbett In his place € the selectmen appointed Stephen Greenleaf. Greenleaf € requested the addition of a hand to the company; the man € he proposed was Ebenezer Mackintosh, who thereupon was € formally approved by the selectmen.µ6´ € This was an important6,98. µ14´MA 93:147a. It is interesting to note that Stephen € Greenleaf, John Avery and John Elliot, all of whom would € later play significant roles in the ensuing conflict, also € joined in the alarm list. € µ15´MA 96:437,263. µ16´BG, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄf € ÄEÄnÄgÄlÄaÄnÄd (London: T. Curson Mansard, 1806-1820) 3:1355, € 1370,1371,1374. € µ5´Suffolk Deeds 1:4,7, SCCH; "Scotch Prisoners Sent € to Massachusetts in 1652 by Order of the English € event in Mackintosh's career. € The years following his release from the army had been € successful ones. While working at his trade, that of a € cordwainer or shoemaker, Ebenezer was able to build € a reputation for being an upright and trustworthy € buo € exert any influence. When these outlets failed to meet € their needs or when the authorities failed to act, they € resorted to crowd action. By the 1760s popular uprisings Government," NEHGR 1:378-379 (l847); Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 16. € µ6´Probate Records of the County of Suffolk, € Massachusetts, #5166, 24:274, #4984, 24:322 SCCH. Moses sinessman. In any case, he had impressed the Sheriff € of Suffolk County, Stephen Greenleaf, for Greenleaf had € specifically requested Mackintosh to be in the Engine € Company. In the coming months, they worked well together € and with the other membersf the English € Government," NEHGR 1:378-379 (l847); Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 16. € µ6´Probate Records of the County of Suffolk, € Massachusetts, #5166, 24:274, #4984, 24:322 SCCH. Moses E11 11 € € responded to this situation by naming Joseph Wight as his € guardian, but Samuel Sewall, Judge of the Probate of € Wills, assigned the entire estate to Moses's eldest € brother John. € , as the engine received several € premiums for being first at a fire.µ7´ € Soon after Mackintosh entered the ranks of Boston's € enginemen, Massachusetts' new governor, Francis Bernard, € arrived. Bernard was looking forward to his new post. He F15 15 € € reconsider his effectiveness in that office. In 1759 he € had suffered a humiliating blow when his own house caught € fire. Moreover, his company did not put out the € disastrous fire; µ7´MA 244:Folio 351, pp. 517,520. 8´MA 91:272,274. µ9´Suffolk Deeds 51:153; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," p. 21. This deed transferred some eleven and € a half acres of land on Dorchester Neck to their son, € Ichabod Jones, a cordwaine0 E1 À E2 à ªE3 – ƒE4 ‹E5 Ž shift in € the management of the Seven Years' War. George III, € finding himself in a superior position and alarmed at the € mounting cost in prosecuting such a war, began peace nego½- € tiations with France and, later, Spain.µ2´ The 1763 Peace € of Paricution of the Seven Years' War. British for½- € ces were victorious in Guadeloupe, at Quiberon Bay where € Lord Edward Hawke destroyed the French fleet, at Fort € Niagara and, miraculously, in the Quebec campaign. The € spring of 1760 brought renewed actE12 12 € € ÄAÄnÄnÄaÄlÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄ,Ä ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄDÄiÄsÄcÄoÄvÄeÄrÄyÄ ÄbÄyÄ ÄCÄoÄlÄuÄmÄbÄuÄsÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä4Ä9Ä2Ä,Ä ÄtÄoÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä8Ä2Ä6 (2nd edition. Cas, though denounced by some was generally con½- € sidered advantageous to England while marking the end of € French power in North America. € On March 20, 1760, one of the most destructive fires € in Boston history swept through the southeastern sectiion by the French in an € abortive attempt to recapture Quebec. The British, under € General James Murray succeeded in holding off the attack € until May 9, when they were relieved by the British fleet. € Abandoning the seige of Quebec, the French fombridge: € Hillard and Brown, 1829. First published in 1805 under the € title "American Annals") 2:82-83; BG, July 17, 37, August € 14, 1758; MA 96:437. € µ18´Suffolk Deeds 51:153, SCCH; Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 21. € 19´BTR 18:83,12on € of the town. It destroyed nine vessels and 349 buildings, € leaving approximately one thousand people desolate.µ3´ € Consequently, many reconsiderations and adjustments € were made within the town. Brick began to replace wood € as a building materirces led € by the Chevalier de Levis retreated to Montreal. There € they withstood attacks made by Generals Jeffery Amherst, 0. € µ20´John Rowe, ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄRÄoÄwÄeÄ,Ä ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä5Ä9Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä2Ä,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä9, ed. Anne Rowe Cunningham € (Boston: W.B. Clarke Co., 1903; reprint ed. 1969), p. 76. March 26, 1758. µ17´"Journals of Joseph Holt, of Wilton, N.H., in the € Canada Expedition of 1758," NEHGR 10:307-308 (1856); € Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," p. 24; Abiel Holmes, ÄTÄhÄe F14 14 € € James Murray and Colonel William Haviland until September € 8. On that day the Governor, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, € surrendered the whole of Canada to Great Britain, vir½- € tually endF13ÀChapter II CHAPTER II TOWARDS DIRECT CROWD ACTION: 1760-1764 The year 1760 was a fateful one, not only for Ebenezer Mackintosh, but also for the colony of € Massachusetts and the British Empire a0E6 !E7 ò E8 , (E9 Æ +E10 Ð ÿE11 Ã L ing the war in North America. € In the midst of the celebrations and rejoicing, € George II unexpectedly died, leaving the reins of govern½- € ment in the hands of his grandson George III.µ1´ Signifi- € cantly, this change in administration marked a s a whole. In that € year, a series of events began which culminated in the € Stamp Act riots of August 1765 and inevitably contributed € to the outbreak of the American Revolution. € In 1759, a number of astonishing successes occurred € in the proseon over € Otis had many far-reaching and tragic results. € An immediate result was the alienation of the Otis € family from the new administration. James Otis, Jr., who € later played a decisive role in shaping public opinion, € was outraged. He vietion.µ10´ The death of George II required € that their use be renewed, which provoked Boston merchants € to test the legality of these writs of assistance. To do € so they engaged the services of James Otis, Jr. and € Oxenbridge Thacher. F17 17 € € had begun to accumulate a plurality of public offices € which were becoming increasingly incompatible with one € another. "Hutchinson," 0tis pointed out, "was a dominant € figure in thewed Hutchinson's appointment as a € personal affront not only to his family, but to the pro½- € vince as a whole. Hutchinson was not a professional € lawyer but a merchant, and his elevation to the position € insulted the Massachusetts bar. In addition, F16 16 € € had been assured that it would be a "quiet and easy € administration" and that the people were "well disposed to € live upon good terms with the Governor." But more impor- € tantly, Ber executive by virtue of being lieutenant € governor, in the legislative as a councillor . . ., and in € the judiciary as chief justice." It was this sort of € plural office holding that Otis believed undermined € liberty and government. Otis soon began aHutchinson nard was looking forward to an increase in € salary and future appointments for his sons.µ8´ In these he € would be disappointed. € Bernard's troubles began on November 13 when he € decided to elevate Thomas Hutchinson to the office of € Chief Justicn aggressive € newspaper assault upon Hutchinson which "created a mood of € suspicion and a sense that he was in some way deeply € corrupt."µ9´ The campaign was so successful that Hutchinson € never recovered his former reputation. € Soon after this,F21 21 € James Otis, who led the fight against Hutchinson, was € the acknowledged leader of the popular party. Oxenbridge € Thacher was also an influential leader due to his role in € the wre of the Superior Court. This post, formerly € held by Stephen Sewall, was an important appointment in € Massachusetts politics. The Chief Justice was influential € in enforcing trade regulations through the use of writs of € assistance and handling of c Hutchinson and Otis were engaged in € yet another contest. During the war, merchants in € Massachusetts frequently had disregarded many laws regu½- € lating trade. In particular, they persisted in trading € with the French in Canada and the West Indies.al, new improvements in chimney and € fireplace construction appeared and organizational changes € were made within Boston's nine fire companies.µ4´ € Solomon Kneeland, master of the South End Despatch € Engine Number 9 and sixty two years old, beganustoms cases. In this way, € the court was a vital basis of support to the government. € The new governor, hoping to assure the continuation of € this support, overlooked his predecessor's promise to pro½- € mote James Otis, Sr. The selection of Hutchins Smuggling € of goods, especially molasses, was profitable. In an € attempt to end this illicit trade, British officials € resorted to the use of writs of assistance. These general € search warrants had previously been used successfully € without opposi to F18 18 € € The trial, held in February, 1761, went before the € Superior Court headed by the newly appointed Chief € Justice, Thomas Hutchinson. Opposing Otis and Thacher was € Jeremiah Gridlnd Bank in 1741, which had caused € his father, Deacon Adams, to suffer a large financial € loss. In addition, Hutchinson had accused Adams of € defaulting on Boston's taxes when he served as a tax € collector from 1756 to 1764. € By 1763 these men h Adams, one of the spectators, was so ey, Otis's former law mentor. For Gridley € and Hutchinson the issue was clear: writs of assistance € were authorized and valid English law. Therefore, they € were legal in the colonies as well. Otis, on the other € hand, raised the issue to a higher pad become prominent figures in the € opposition against Bernard and Hutchinson. As such, they € were also actively involved in a number of political clubs € and organizations. Among the major organizations were the € North and South End Caucuses, the LoyF19 19 € € influenced by the event that fifty-six years later he € would declare that "then and there the child Independence € was born."µ12´ The town of Boston showed its approval the € followinglane, that of Natural € Law. He insisted that the writs of assistance and the € navigation acts, which they were intended to enforce, € violated the moral basis of the law. That is, they € infringed upon the fundamental Principles of Law, the € basis of al Nine, the Long € Room Club, the Monday Night Club, and, later, the Sons of € Liberty. € Not much has been ascertained about the Long Room € Club, although it seems to have largely consisted of mem½- € bers of Boston's above-average economic group, May when, by a nearly unanimous vote, the € Bostonians elected Otis to the General Court. € Rapidly following this controversy, Hutchinson became € involved in the election of the colony's new agent in € London. Again he incurred the town's indignatthe British Constitution, in this case the € Privilege of House. "A Man, who is quiet, is as secure in € his House, as a Prince in his Castle" and therefore "an € act against natural equity is void," and hence "an Act of € Parliament against the Constitutwith € merchants predominating. The known members are Samuel € Adams, John Hancock, James Otis, Samuel Dexter, William € Cooper, Dr. Samuel Cooper, Joseph Warren, Benjamin Church, € Josiah Quincy Jr., Thomas Dawes, Samuel Phillips, Royall ion. € William Bollan had served as the colony's agent since € 1745. During his term he successfully established a net½- € work of influential connections which long proved to be € advantageous to both the colony and Hutchinson. Neverthe- € less, Bollan ion is void: . . . the € executive Courts must pass such Acts into disuse."µ11´ € Despite his eloquence, Otis and the merchants were € legally defeated. It remained to be seen whether Otis's € appeal to higher law would hold. Hutchinson postponed t0E12 ý SF13 VF14 [F15 ÿ BF16 hF17 ñ b its of assistance case and his numerous articles € regarding the dangers of plural office holding.µ18´ Samuel € Adams, another leader, had long opposed Hutchinson and his € party. His opposition stemmed from the dissolution, led € by Hutchinson, of the Lahe € court's decision for five months until the next term, € then, again for three months. The court finally decided € unanimously in favor of the writs. The Bostonians were € furious and Hutchinson was their target. This was Otis's € finest hour. Johnhad also made a number of enemies. These had € twice tried to depose him, first in 1757 and later in € 1760. Both attempts were frustrated, largely because of € Hutchinson's influence.µ13´ But in 1762, after a vigorous € campaign, in which Bollan was acshop of the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe, would discuss the € political events of the day and concoct political propa½- € ganda for publication in the press.µ20´ Due to the fact € that its members came from the town's elite and were € instrumental in its s € defeat, therefore, was seen as a victory for the € opposition. As such, its effects on provincial politics € was to create a more harmonious atmosphere. Governor € Bernard, impressed with the new mood, commented that € "there never was a greater Harmcused of plotting against € the Congregational Church in New England, his opponemts € were successful and he was dismissed from office.µ14´ In € his place, the majority within the House of Representatives € proposed Jasper Mauduit. Governor Bernard submipolitics, the Long Room Club provided € leadership and direction for the various groups which € linked the masses to the top of an unofficial political € structure. € Often working in conjunction with the Long Room Club € in directing local political ony in the Government than € at present."µ16´ € Unfortunately, this aura of good will was not to € last. The controversy over Hutchinson's appointment as € Chief Justice, the writs of assistance and the election of € the colony agent had aroused thetted € Richard Jackson, the current agent for Connecticut and his € own personal agent in London. Although Hutchinson did not € actively seek nomination, his name was added to the list € of candidates. "Fearing that Hutchinson had just enough € support tactivities were the North and € South End Caucuses. These caucuses were an attempt "to € counterbalance the influence of the merchants at the top € of the economic scale."µ21´ Consisting largely of small € merchants, shopkeepers, independent artisans and suspicions and resentment € of too many influential people within Boston.µ17´ Thus, a € common basis for political opposition had been created, € and by 1763, diverse groups and forces had emerged on the € political stage. Believing that Bernard, Hutchio defeat both Jackson and Mauduit in a three way several € prominent leaders, they would discuss public issues, help € in the preparation of political articles and, more € importantly, decide on the candidates for the prospective € municipal offices prior to the town meetings. The town € meetings were nson and € their followers were attempting to usurp their rights and € liberties, these groups and the men who led them attempted € to regain political control of Massachusetts politics. F20 20 € € vote," the rival factions "combined forces, dropped € Jackson as the weaker of the original candidates, and so € secured Mauduit's appointment."µ15´ € For 0tis and others, Hutchinsthus free of dissension and opposition; € they served to present a high degree of unity among the € participants. In addition, the caucuses often became € clearing houses between the leaders and the followers by F22 22 € € Tyler, Paul Revere, Thomas Fleet, John Winslow and Thomas € Melvill.µ19´ Of the sixteen members, six were Harvard € graduates. These men, meeting in the long room above the € printing on's entry into the cam½- € paign represented yet another attempt to acquire power € within the province. Hutchinson's election, they feared, € would have enabled him to gain the necessary support and € influence in England to secure the governorship. Hionse, the Sons of € Liberty advertised a ten dollar reward for the apprehen½- € sion of the criminal.µ13´ In an effort to differentiate € their group from those who misused their name, the Sons € began to refer to themselves as the "true" or "trueborn" € adopting hard money policies, paper money € supporters were so vehement that the General Court passed € a new riot act to suppress crowd action. Rescue riots € occurred, such as those in Boston in 1749 and 1758 and in F24 24 € € had become an established tradition in Boston as well as € the province as a whole. € Significantly, the development of crowd action and € behavior also occurred in areas other thanSons of Liberty.µ14´ In so doing they reinforced their € efforts to move away from the use of violent tactics and € towards a more orderly, respectable, organized movement of € resistance. J139 139 € € managed to keep the terror of the mob before the public € and thereby discouraged officials from taking any unpopu½- € lar action. € Along with these accounts of crowd behavior, th complaints € against British policy. As early as 1689, when Boston € crowds arrested Sir Edmund Andros, popular uprisings were € used to express mass sentiments. Since then, crowd action € was used to enforce moral standards such as in 1705 at € Boston,0F18 ' vF19 2 }F20 ¼ „F21 ñ oF22 Ö ŠF23 ³ ; e € popular leadership began a campaign against acts of € lawlessness committed by men who attempted to hide behind € the name of "Sons of Liberty." Illegal acts perpetrated € in their name proved to be highly detrimental to their € cause and as such had at 1758 in Dedham and 1761 in Northampton when € crowds punished adulterers; or in 1734 and 1737 when mobs € attempted to destroy the bawdy houses of Boston. Other € uprisings occurred in opposition to colonial authority. € In Boston, riots in oppositionF25 25 € € 1725 at Newbury, when the legal channels had proven to be € too slow or ineffective. These riots were unique in that, € if the rescued prisoner was later acquitted, the rescue € was decto be condemned.µ11´ When threatening € letters were sent to Sheriff Greenleaf and his Deputy in € December 1765, the Boston Sons of Liberty published an € advertisement stating € ‰that they hold the Author or Authors in through [ÄsÄiÄc. to justices of the peace, € tax collectors, or clerks of the market occurred in 1748, € 1750, and 1762. A large scale anti-impressment riot € occurred on November 17, 1747, when a press gang took € forty-six men from vessels within Boston Harbor. In timreed to have been justified and therefore € nonpunishable.µ24´ € Crowd action, in addition to expressing discontent, € was also used in various celebrations. Among these were € the anniversary of the King's coronation, the King's € birthday and Guy ] Contempt; and think themselves most grosly injured, in the villainous Use made of that venerable NAME of Liberty in said Letters.µ12´ Then on March 7, 1766, a group of people illegally € released a female prisoner. In respes € of scarcity, such as in 1710, 1713 and 1729, crowds were € used in a desperate attempt to keep foodstuffs within the € colony by preventing their exportation. When Massachusetts € attempted to control its runaway inflation in the 1740s € and 1750s byFawkes Day or Pope's Day. It is not € known when the Pope's Day celebrations began in Boston, € but Judge Sewall gives an account of one in his diary as € early as 1685.µ25´ At that time the activities of the day € seem to have consisted primarily of bonblish their authority and their right to do so.µ17´ € The colonial agents, many of whom had been instructed € to seek repeal of the Sugar Act and protest against the € proposed stamp act, now found themselves confronting a € hostile Parliament. In aF27 27 € € affair. Of the eight only three were found guilty.µ28´ On € September 11, John Rowe recorded another outburst of the € mob: € ‰The regiment appeared in the Common this r pope. The deposed pope would then be € taken to a bonfire and ceremoniously committed to the € flames.µ26´ € The early 1760s had seen this annual celebration and € general melee occur without any serious mishaps. Yet, in € the months preceding th desperate attempt to avert the € stamp act, Richard Jackson, Charles Garth, Benjamin € Franklin and Jared Ingersoll sought a conference with € Grenville. The meeting, held on February 2, 1765, was € similar to the encounter of the previous conference of fires on Boston € Common. As the years passed, a procession was added, in € which effigies of a pope, a pretender, and anyone else who € may have incurred the wrath of the town, were paraded € through the streets. At the end of the day, these effi½- € gie 5th of November, l764, there had € been several crowd outbursts. The previous spring, while € the town was in the grips of a smallpox epidemic, Boston's € selectmen resolved to open a hospital. Several members of € the neighborhood, including Suffolk CMay € 17. Once again the agents requested that Grenville return € to the old system of requisitions in order to raise the € necessary revenue in America. According to Jared € Ingersoll, this was "a Method the people had been used to € that it would at lees were added to the bonfire. The participants in the € affair generally came from the North End of the town, and € were artisans and laborers in the shipbuilding and other € mercantile trades. € As the town grew, a rivalry soon emerged between the €ounty Sheriff € Greenleaf, feared infection and complained to the € selectmen. When the officials refused to comply with € their request, the complainants threatened to riot. It € was only with the intervention of the Governor and provin½- € cial councilast seem to be their own Act & prevent € that uneasiness & jealousy which otherwise we found would € take place." The First Lord of the Treasury countered this € argument by asking whether the agents "could agree upon € the several proportions Each Colony inhabitants of the newer section at the South End and € those from the North End of Boston. By the 1740s, this € competition occurred every November 5, when each section that Sheriff Greenleaf and other members of € the community were prevailed upon to desist from com½- € mitting violence.µ27´ The following July, however, a riot € did occur. Although the cause of this riot is unknown, it € seems to have been directed agshould raise."µ18´ The € agents were unable to do so. Whereupon Grenville stated € that "he did not think any body here was furnished with € Materials for that purpose; not only so but there would € be no Certainty that every colony would raise the Sum G51 51 € € more determined to prove that they did have the authority € to impose taxes on the colonies. Many members believed € that passage of the stamp act was now a necessity in order € to estaainst the Wardens of the € town of Boston. Eight participants, three of them € merchants, one a brazier, two minors and another listed as € a "gentleman", were indicted and later tried for the F26 26 € € would construct an effigy of a pope and parade it € throughout the town. Eventually, when the rival parades € met, a battle would ensue in which each side attempted to € remove the otheoatbuilder, € Zephemiah Basset, a sailmaker, Thomas Rice, a ropemaker, € William Bovey, a ship joiner and William Larribee, a € caulker. Henry Gardner, Thomas Stimpson and Cornelius € Abbot were all listed as bakers. Benjamin Wheeler was a € barber, Samu to disperse the people by reading the Riot € Act, but to no avail. The contest continued, with many € injuries, for more than an hour after Greenleaf had made € the proclamation. Finally, the South End proved € victorious, marching away with both popes on this € occasion."µ31´ € In spite of these precautions, Boston witnessed one € of the most tragic occurrences of crowd action in its € history. The celebration had begun as usual with the guns el Richardson, a hatter, Ichabod Simpson, a € housewright, George Hambleton (minor), a chaisemaker, and € John Corbet, a distiller. Hammond Dodge, Thomas Smith and € one Stephen, a mulatto servant of Francis Richie, were € listed as laborers. Seven witneand "several € thousand people following them, hallowing &c." The day € ended when the popes were burned at the Gallows on Boston € Neck.µ32´ Governor Bernard, at the next Council meeting, gave € "orders to the Attorney General to use his utmost F28 28 € € at Castle William and the Batteries going off. Soon after € as the rival processions were beginning to move, tragedy € struck at the North End. It seems that as the stage which € held afternoon. One of the soldiers behaved saucily to his Captain upon which they called a Court Martial and ordered him to ride the Wooden Horse, but the mob got foul of the wooden horse & broke it so that the FellF29 29 € € Endeavours to discover all persons concerned in the late € Riotous disorders" and "to prosecute such Persons as he € shall find to have been active therein."µ33´ All in all, € twenty th"the pope" was leaving John McClarey's barn, a young € child by the name of John Browne fell down in its path. € Before the boy could be rescued one of the carriage wheels € ran over his head and killed him instantly. Whereupon the € "Sheriff, Justices, Oow escaped.µ29´ € Soon after, the mob assembled again. On this € occasion, however, they sought to punish John and Ann € Richardson, who had attempted to starve their child to € death.µ30´ € These and similar incidents must have affected the ree people were arrested, and some indicted, for € their participation in the riot. Interestingly, it is at € this point that Ebenezer Mackintosh reenters the picture. € He is listed on a bond to appear in court. In addition € to Mackintosh was Benjamin fficers of the Militia were ordered € to destroy both the southend and northend Popes." Going € first to the North End, the officers successfully did so. € The South End proved to be more difficult to overthrow. € The crowd, armed with staves, swords and c€ town leadership. When the Council, meeting the morning € of November 5, 1764, learned of the possibility of a riot € that day, they were quick to act. Governor Bernard imme½- € diately ordered the Sheriff to notify his men and the € constables of the tStarr, another cordwainer, and € Isaac Bowman Apthorp, a leather dresser. Eight of those € indicted were involved in the shipbuilding trades with € John Blight (a minor), Henry Swift (a minor) and William € Blight listed as shipwrights, Josiah Peirce, a blubs, marched € triumphantly towards the North End of the town. At the € same time the North End had reconstructed their pope and € proceeded southward. When the rival mobs met at the Mill € Bridge, a battle soon commenced. Sheriff Greenleaf € attemptedown to prepare themselves. In € addition, the Governor gave notice to the acting Justices € and ordered them to meet that afternoon so that they could € "concert measures to prevent the mischief that may be € apprehended, and to put the Laws in Execution € although Richardson was imprisoned for refusing to give € evidence in the King's behalf, he was released.µ35´ the puzzle. The "recognizance" for Ebenezer € Mackintosh (spelled McIntosh) lists William Etheridge, € bricklayer, and Dimend Morton, tallow candler, as sureties € (or persons monetarily responsible for the defendant's € appearance at court). Yet the surn foreign molasses from 6d to 3d per gallon, but € it added other duties on such goods as wine, silk, linen, € foreign indigo, etc. In an attempt to further rationalize € the customs administration within the empire, the act € required that customs officiF34 34 € € any Place within their Precinct where they conceive any € Leather to be, whether wrought into Shoes, Boots or other € Wares or not," and they were further authorized to "seize € all sucheties for Thomas Smith € and Ichabod Simpson was William Speakman, a member of the € Loyal Nine and copartner in the distillery business with € another member of the Nine, Thomas Chase. It was in their € distillery that the Loyal Nine held their meetings.als and agents live in the insufficient or unsealed Leather, whether wrought € into Wares or not". Any person resisting a sealer would € be fined five pounds. The fee for a Sealer of Leather was € "one Penny per Hide under five Hides" or "six pence per € Dicker [ten hides]." The In € addition to these sureties, the court records contain a € doctor's note which said in part that; € ‰This may certify that about six weeks ago I was called to visit Samuel Richardson Son of ‰Capt Nathl Richardson I found sses were also included in € the records.µ34´ € Although all twenty-three of these men participated € in the affair, there is no record of a trial or that any € one of them was ever found guilty and imprisoned. But a se fees were to be paid by the € tanner or currier of the respective hides. The sealer € would also receive one third of all fines, penalties, and € forfeitures.µ42´ Mackintosh must have performed these € duties well because he was reelected to the post his Nerves much disordered with frequent Twitchings and partial Convultions [ÄsÄiÄc.] attended with A Delirium [ÄsÄiÄc.]. . . Upon Enquiry I found that he had at times been liable to Disorders of this kind from 0F24 Ý F25 F26 Ã ©F27 Ë ¯F28 ÿ µF29 á » in € 1766, 1767 and 1768.µ43´ € Thus Ebenezer Mackintosh was admitted into what € became the Sons of Liberty, an event which in the coming € months would have formidable, even terrifying, consequen½- € ces for Thomas Hutchinson and other crown offici his Childhood. € Significantly, this note was signed by Joseph Warren. € Warren, a member of the Long Room Club, was also a Harvard € classmate of John Avery Jr., a member of the Loyal Nine € and the future "mob secretary." It proved effective, for F30 30 € € closer examination of the surety bonds or "recognizances" € and writs found in the records of the Superior Court of € Judicature of Suffolk County, enables us to place a few € pieces of als in € Massachusetts. Already the storm clouds were gathering. € The previous summer, the colonists were shocked to € learn of the passage of the Revenue Act (commonly known in € the colonies as the Sugar Act of 1764). The law lowered € the duty oriot and during € the subsequent court proceedings, Chief Justice Hutchinson € was formulating his own theories regarding mob action. € According to Hutchinson, rioting implies "an intent to € commit some unlawful Act." If rioters "take not one Step € the regulating post, that of a Sealer of Leather. His € nomination was approved at the town meeting, moderated by € James Otis Jr., and he thus became one of the town's four € Sealers of Leather. Clearly, Mackintosh's nomination by € the caucus was an offery ought to be punished for this Intent as unlawful € assembly; if they move forward, it is a Rout; if they com½- € mit any one Act, it is a Riot."µ39´ Ironically, Hutchinson € would personally experience the meaning of a riot. € Ebenezer Mackintosh,F42 42 € µ32´BG, November 12, 1764; Probate Records, #100494 € 573:8, #100480 572:143, SCF; Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ € ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, pp. 67-68. µ33´Massachusetts Council of political patronage, an attempt € to bind him to their cause; yet the fact that candidates € were required to obtain fifty percent of the vote cast € indicates that Mackintosh also had the backing of the € townsmen as well.µ40´ € Significantly, t on the other hand, emerged from € the entire affair unscathed. He had, in fact, risen from € the life of an obscure shoemaker to be the acknowledged € leader of the South End mob. As such, he wielded € considerable power and influence among the inhabita Minutes, 15:341-342, MA. µ34´Probate Records, #100480572:143-145, #100493 573:5- € 6, #100494 573:7-8, SCF. µ35´Probate Records, #100493 573:6, #100480 572:144, € 100482 572:147; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄyhree members of the Loyal Nine were € also elected to various posts: Benjamin Edes was elected a € clerk of the market, Thomas Crafts became one of the € twelve wardens and John Avery became an overseer of the € poor. In addition, Samuel Adams, John Hanconts € of that section of town. His abilities did not long go € unnoticed. The popular association, which would later € evolve into the Sons of Liberty under Samuel Adams's, € direction, was in the process of expanding its influence € and control within tF32 32 € Thomas Hutchinson, still not satisfied with the € proceedings, issued a warrant for Thomas Smith and € Benjamin Wheeler on April 5. Three days later, William € Speakman (spelled Spick, William € Cooper, Royall Tyler, John Winslow and Benjamin Church, € all members of the Long Room Club, were also elected to € various town offices and posts.µ41´ € The office of Sealer of Leather consisted of € inspecting all tanned or curried lehe community. Perhaps Mackintosh and keman) gave surety for Smith's € appearance at court on April 15. The outcome of this last € trial is not known, but apparently the lawsuit was dropped € for there are no records of any future court action.µ38´ € Interestingly, soon after the Pope's Day ather after it was pro½- € cessed and before it left the place in which it was so € treated. That leather which passed inspection was then € sealed with a hammer issued by the selectmen of Boston. € The Sealers were also authorized "to search and view in F33 33 € € his followers were seen as useful allies in the future, € for at a caucus meeting held prior to the town meeting on € March 11, 1765, Mackintosh was proposed as a candidate for € a minorF36 36 € € asserted that "we look upon these Duties as a Tax, and € which we humbly apprehend ought not to be laid without the € Representation of the People affected by them."µ46´ This € documente and revealed in its € provisions, was to raise revenue.µ44´ Massachusetts, however, had been experiencing a € severe postwar depression. The new Sugar Act, if € enforced, now posed a serious threat to the molasses, rum € and carrying trades, the sÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 27; BTR 16:129-134; BG, € March 18, 1765. µ41´Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 27; BTR 16:129-134; BG, € March 18. 1765. µ42´Anonymous, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄoÄuÄnÄtÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄTÄoÄwÄnÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄeÄr (Boston, € 1 passed the House of Representatives with a € favorable vote and then sent up to the Council for € concurrence. € The Council did not concur. By denying Parliamentary € authority and asserting colonial rights in such forceful € words, the conservativvery heart of New England € commerce. The mercantile community therefore was € understandably antagonistic towards the act. Opposition € soon emerged through primitive nonimportation agreements. € In particular, an attempt was made in the community to € 768), pp. 72-73; BTR 20:164-165; Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 27. µ43´BTR 16:162, 166, 197, 200-204, 232, 235. µ44´Condensed from ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄlÄ ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄrÄ,Ä ÄoÄrÄ ÄaÄ ÄVÄiÄeÄwÄ ÄoÄf € ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ,Ä ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄte members of the Council feared it € would incur the wrath of both King and Parliament. It € was, therefore, thought advisable to establish a joint € committee of the two legislative bodies "to consider a € more proper form" of expressing the colony's disabstain from wearing expensive clothing imported from € England and to promote local colonial manufactures.µ45´ € When the House of Representatives assembled on € October 18, 1764, one of its first actions was to appoint € a committee to prepare a peÄiÄcÄsÄ,Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄLÄiÄtÄeÄrÄaÄtÄuÄrÄeÄ ÄfÄoÄrÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4 satisfac- € tion. To this committee the Council appointed Thomas € Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, James Bowdoin and Thomas € Flucker. Under Hutchinson's chairmanship, these men "pared € down & enfeebled" the address. Now addressed solely to € the House of Ctition to the King and € Parliament voicing the colony's opposition to the Sugar € Act. Included in this committee was James Otis Jr., € Oxenbridge Thacher, and Thomas Cushing. The result of € their efforts was a strongly worded document which F35 35 € € colonies rather than live in England while acting through € easily corrupted local appointees. Violations of the € customs laws would be taken to admiralty courts which € operated witho, € 1:294; Hiller B. Zobel, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe (New York: € W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 37-38. µ36´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, p. 76. µ 37´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄ0F30 r ÂF31 & ’F32 ' ÐF33 ×F34 ÉF35 ÷ å ut juries. Further, the new Vice Admiralty € Court for North America was to be located at Halifax, Nova € Scotia. Finally, the act empowered Naval Officers to € serve as customs agents. The purpose of this legislation, € as clearly stated in its preamblrÄy, p. 76; Probate € Records, #100480 572:143, #100493 573:5, SCF; Zobel, € ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 27. µ38´Probate Records, #100493 573:5, #100494 573:7, SCF. µ39´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 78-79. µ40´Zobel, ÄBÄoÄnezer Mackintosh and directed toward Thomas Hutchinson. € This was due to the belief held by many "that if all the € colonists had shown the like firmness and asserted their € rights, the act would never had passed". Because € Hutchinson had destroyed thaol of its own taxation was € an indulgence which the colonists prayed the continuance € of a matter of favor, . . . and not a claim of right."µ47´ € Passed by the House in early November, the revised € petition represented a victory for Hutchinson anBÄaÄrÄrÄiÄnÄgÄtÄoÄn- € ÄBÄeÄrÄnÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄIÄlÄlÄuÄsÄtÄrÄaÄtÄiÄvÄeÄ ÄMÄaÄtÄtÄeÄrÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä0Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä0 € (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1912), pp. 11-13. µ9´Bernard Bailyn, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄlÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄTÄhÄot unanimity through temperance € and logic "his aim could only have been secretly to pro½- € mote, not defeat, the Stamp Act."µ48´ d the ÄmÄaÄsÄ ÄHÄuÄtÄcÄhÄiÄnÄsÄoÄn € (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, € 1974), pp. 53-54. A good account of the struggle over the € post of Chief Justice and the problem of plural office € holding is found in Ellen E. Brennan, ÄPÄlÄuÄrF38 38 € µ1´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 15:972-978. µ2´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 15:1018-1072, € 1240-1279, 1291-1305. µ3´BG, MF37 37 € € conservatives over the rising popular party. Yet this € would be a short-lived triumph. Soon after the Massachu- € setts petition was sent to England, Boston began to € receive reportsÄaÄlÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄe € ÄHÄoÄlÄdÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä0Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä8Ä0 (Chapel Hill: € University of North Carolina Press, 1945), pp. 29-34. arch 24, 1760; Arthur W. Brayley, ÄAÄ ÄCÄoÄmÄpÄlÄeÄtÄe € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄtÄ,Ä ÄIÄnÄcÄlÄuÄdÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄe € ÄAÄlÄaÄrÄmÄ ÄSÄeÄrÄvÄiÄcÄeÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄtÄeÄcÄtÄiÄvÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄe from other colonies. Their petitions € and addresses, especially that of New York, so strongly € asserted colonial rights that they soon put the Massachu- € setts petition to shame for its moderation. Then when it € became known that Parliament had madeF39 39 € µ10´Josiah Quincy, Jr., ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄCÄaÄsÄeÄsÄ ÄAÄrÄgÄuÄeÄdÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄdÄjÄuÄdÄgÄeÄdÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄeÄrÄiÄoÄrÄ ÄCÄoÄuÄrÄtÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄuÄdÄiÄcÄaÄtÄuÄrÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄÄnÄtÄ,Ä ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ Ä1Ä6Ä3Ä9- € Ä1Ä8Ä8Ä8 (Boston: John P. Dale & Co., 1889), pp. 60-65. µ4´Brayley, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt, pp. 65-66. µ5´Brayley, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt, pp. 65-66; € Anderson, "Ebeneze no distinction bet½- € ween the colonial petitions, and, therefore, moderation € had been unnecessary, Boston tempers began to rise. Yet € it was the passage of the Stamp Act which brought forth € the people's rage, expressed in crowd action led by € Ebeommons, the memorial no longer contained any € reference or claim to the right of taxation. Indeed, the € word "right" was stricken from the text and "privilege" € inserted in its place. The result was that the document € now "assumed that American contrr Mackintosh," pp. 24-25. µ6´BTR 18:83, 120. µ7´BTR 18:83, 244, 21:73. µ8´Francis Bernard to Lord Barrington, April 19, 1760, € Bernard Papers I:201-203, Sparks Collection, HHL; Edward € Channing and Archibald C. Coolidge, eds., ÄTÄhÄeÄ Äe € ÄPÄrÄoÄvÄiÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄBÄaÄyÄ,Ä ÄBÄeÄtÄwÄeÄeÄnÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä1Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä2, ed. € Samuel M. Quincy (Boston, 1865; reprint ed., New York: € Russell & Russell, 1969), Appendix I:401-406, 409; Bernard € Papers V:261. µ1ttle € and James Brown, 1850), 2:178-179; William Gordon, The € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄRÄiÄsÄeÄ,Ä ÄPÄrÄoÄgÄrÄeÄsÄsÄ,Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄEÄsÄtÄaÄbÄlÄiÄsÄhÄmÄeÄnÄtÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄIÄnÄdÄeÄpÄeÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄUÄnÄiÄtÄeÄdÄ ÄSÄtÄaÄtÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄF40 40 € µ18´Brennan, ÄPÄlÄuÄrÄaÄlÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄeÄ ÄHÄoÄlÄdÄiÄnÄgÄ. pp. 59-66. µ19´Samuel Adams Drake, ÄOÄlÄdÄ ÄLÄaÄnÄdÄmÄaÄrÄkÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄiÄc € ÄPÄeÄrÄsÄoÄnÄaÄgÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ1´Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, p. 471, 474; L. Kinvin Wroth and € Hiller B. Zobel, eds., ÄLÄeÄgÄaÄlÄ ÄPÄaÄpÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄs € (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, € 1965), 2:125, 127-128; Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, pp. 55-56. eÄrÄiÄcÄa (London, € 1788), 1:175; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, € 5:294. µ24´Condensed from Pauline R. Maier, "Popular Uprisings € and Civil Authority in Eighteenth Century America," WMQ € 27:3-35 (1970) and Hoerd ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn (Boston, 1900; reprint ed., Detroit: € Singing Tree Press, 1970), p. 81. µ20´J.L. Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, ÄBÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄiÄcÄaÄl € ÄSÄkÄeÄtÄcÄhÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄTÄhÄoÄsÄeÄ ÄWÄhÄoÄ ÄAÄtÄtÄeÄnÄdÄeÄdÄ ÄHÄaÄrÄvÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄlÄlÄeÄgÄe (B µ12´Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, pp. 414, 417; Wroth and Zobel, € eds., ÄLÄeÄgÄaÄlÄ ÄPÄaÄpÄeÄrÄs, 2:106, 107, 115; John J. Waters and € John A. Schutz, "Patterns of Massachusetts Colonial € Politics: The Writs of Assistance and the Rivalry Between € the Oer, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 40-70. oston: € Harvard University Printing Office, 1958), 13:382. µ21´Dirk Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄaÄrÄy € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä8Ä0 (New York: Academic Press, Inc., € 1977), pp. 27-28. µ22´Htis and Hutchinson Families," WMQ 24:562-563 (1967). € µ13´Waters and Schutz, "Patterns," pp. 556-557; Bailyn, € Ordeal, p. 58. µ 14´Waters and Schutz, "Patterns," p. 564. µ15´Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, p. 59. µ16´Bernard to Lord BarringtoG60 60 € € passed the House of Representatives, a brief lull settled € on the province. € During this lull, the various popular organizations and clubs (discussed in Chapter II) began the finoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 27-28; L.H. Butterfield, € ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄs (Cambridge: The € Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1961), 1:238- € 239. µ23´Charles F. Adams, en, June 7, 1762, Channing € and Coolidge, eds., ÄBÄaÄrÄrÄiÄnÄgÄtÄoÄnÄ-ÄBÄeÄrÄnÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄe, € p. 56. µ17´Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, Appendix I:416 note; Bernard to € Lords of Trade, November 30, 1765, Bernard Papers, IV:176- € 17al phase of consolidation under the guiding hand of Samuel Adams. Utilizing Colonel Isaac Barre's reference to Americans as € "those Sons of Liberty" these groups united under the name € of Sons of Liberty. The composition of these newborn Sons € was lad., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄWÄoÄrÄkÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄs, € ÄSÄeÄcÄoÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄrÄeÄsÄiÄdÄeÄnÄtÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄUÄnÄiÄtÄeÄdÄ ÄSÄtÄaÄtÄeÄsÄ:Ä ÄWÄiÄtÄhÄ ÄaÄ ÄLÄiÄfÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄAÄuÄtÄhÄoÄrÄ,Ä ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄIÄlÄlÄuÄsÄtÄrÄaÄtÄiÄoÄnÄs (Boston: Charles C. Li7. liament during € 1765. Charles Yorke and Charles Townshend were moving € toward the administration as hopes for the opposition € diminished. Lack of prominent leaders led to an unusual € amount of support for the administration and ministerial € proposal15:339, MA. rgly from the Long Room Club, the Monday Night Club, € the Loyal Nine, the caucuses and various artisan groups € within Boston. Within the organization, Samuel Adams, € James Otis and later Thomas Young were influential within € the clubs. John Rowe and,s.µ21´ Prospects for successful passage of the € stamp bill were therefore extremely good. € When Grenville introduced the preliminary resolutions € for the American Stamp Bill on February 6, 1765, a debate € ensued in which twenty-eight speeches wer0F36 ìF37 … óF38 £ øF39 ÿF40 * F41 ¯ in 1766, William Molineux, € influenced the merchants, and Ebenezer Mackintosh, newly € taken into the fold, influenced and directed the common € people of Boston. Molineux later joined Mackintosh in € exerting control over this lower group, and both were made by € eighteen different members.µ22´ In the course of this € debate, Colonel Isaac Barre made his famous speech € regarding the colonies. Charles Townshend had just spoken € in favor of the bill. In paternalistic tones, he had G52 52 € € enjoined."µ19´ He summed up his position by saying that "he € had pledged his Word for Offering the Stamp Bill to the € House."µ20´ € As news of colonial protest reached England, e sub½- € sequently assisted by Robert Pierpoint and Thomas Young.µ39´ € By the summer of 1765, many of the leaders of the Sons of Liberty had begun to infiltrate various positions € within the town government. Samuel Adams, a member of € the Long tÄiÄcÄsÄ,Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄLÄiÄtÄeÄrÄaÄtÄuÄrÄeÄ ÄfÄoÄrÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4 admi½- € nistration forces hardened as passage of the stamp act no € longer remained an issue of revenue but one of Parlimen- € tary sovereignty. Opposition forces, on the other hand, € had been experiencing a gradual loss of strength through € deaths andRoom Club and the acknowledged force behind the € Boston Sons of Liberty, had been reelected as collector € of taxes and in September, chosen to replace Oxenbridge € Thacher as a Boston delegate to the House of Representa- € tives. Benjamin Church, anotheF43 43 € € (London: J. Dodsley, 1778), p. 63; Lawrence Henry Gipson, € ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄBÄeÄfÄoÄrÄeÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn (New € York: Alfred A. Kno desertions. The Duke of Devonshire, Henry € Legge (a valuable financial expert), and the Earl of € Hardwicke, all prominent leaders within the opposition, € had died. The Earl of Shelburne was on his honeymoon. € Pitt was ill and would not appear in Parr member of the Long Room pf, 1961), 10:223-231; Bernard € Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, 1759-1766 € (New York: Macmillan Company, 1960), pp. 142-143, 151; € Edmund S. Morgan, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄsÄ:Ä ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄl: University of North Carolina € Press, 1959), p. 123. µ48´Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, pp. 65-66; Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, € p. 124. their option to raise that or some equivalent tax. Desirious as he expressed himself to con½- sult the ease, quiet, and Good will of the colonies.µ4´ According to Mauduit, Grenville had given the colonies € aG45 45 € Almost immediately upon the conclusion of Grenville's € speech, there was difference of understanding over what € the Chancellor had actually said and what his intentions € were regaG44ÀChapter III CHAPTER III THE FIRST STAMP ACT RIOT € On March 9, 1764, George Grenville, First Lord € Commissioner of the Treasury and Chancellor of the € Exchequer, presented his proposals, igÄuÄeÄ ÄtÄo € ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina € Press, 1953), pp. 38-43; Bernard Bailyn, ÄPÄaÄmÄpÄhÄlÄeÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä5Ä0Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä6 (Cambridge: The Belknap € Press of Harvrding the stamp act.µ2´ The prevailing opinion was € that Grenville deferred action on a stamp tax because his € ministry lacked adequate information with which to imple½- € ment the new tax in the colonies. By postponing action € until the following Parn a speech lasting € nearly three hours, for a comprehensive financial program € to the Parliamentary Committee of Ways and Means. In the € course of his speech, Grenville presented twenty-four dif½- € ferent resolutions concerning the national and coloniard University Press, 1965), pp. 356-358. µ45´ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄlÄ ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄr, p. 107; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. € 87; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 44-46, 48-49, 50. µ46´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 5liamentary session, enough time was € gained to inform the colonies of the impending legislation. € Also, information regarding possible items suitable for € taxation could be sought and any colonial objections could € be expressed. Indeed, these were somal € budget. Many of these resolutions became the basis for € the American Revenue Act or Sugar Act of 1764. Yet it is the fifteenth point which particularly concerned the € colonies. This resolution dealt with the possibility of a € future stamp tax t3; Oxenbridge Thacher € Papers, XXII:414, MHS. µ47´Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:233-235; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 23; Brennan, ÄPÄlÄuÄrÄaÄlÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄeÄ ÄHÄoÄlÄdÄiÄnÄg, pp. 69- € 70, 74-75; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ e of the reasons € given by a number of the colonial agents when reporting € to their respective legislatures.µ3´ But Jasper Mauduit, € London agent for Massachusetts, gave a more specific € reason for the postponement of the stamp act in a letter € writto be enacted in North America, for the € purpose of raising a sufficient amount of revenue to sup½- € port a military program in the newly acquired territories € of North America. At this point Grenville offered to € "take the sense of the Committee if anÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 53-54; Bailyn, € ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, pp. 64-65; Edmund S. Morgan, ed., ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄeÄ ÄtÄo € ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ:Ä ÄSÄoÄuÄrÄcÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄoÄcÄuÄmÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, € Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä6 (Chapel Hilen to the House of Representatives on March 13, 1764. € In his letter he stated that: € ‰the stamp duty you will see is deferr'd till next year. I mean the actual laying it: Mr. Grenville being willing to give the Provinces y member doubted his € assertion of Britain's right to lay an internal tax on the € colonies." No one did so.µ1´ annihilates our Charter Right to Govern and Tax ourselves.µ10´ bill.µ7´ Grenville explained that his purpose € for "this delay was to have the sense of the colonies € themselves upon the matter, and if they could point out € any system or plan as effectual and more easy to them, he € was open to every proposition to man Beckford and Mr. Huske signifying their wish to have the colonies apprized [ÄsÄiÄc.] of the intention of Parliament, Mr. Grenville readily acquiesed, [ÄsÄiÄc.] declaring it was far from his intention to press 0F42 L ÞF43 ‰ G44 s %G45 v *G46 1G47 R 8 be made from the € colonies."µ8´ € While the colonial agents were conferring with the € Chancellor of the Exchequer, news of his budget proposals, € for raising revenue through colonial taxation and regula- € tion of customs, had just arrived in Mass any measure upon any part of the dominion without giving them time to be heard, should they have objections thereto.µ6´ On the basis of the reports sent by the various colo½- € nial agents, it is clear that many of them wn option to raise the stamp tax or some other equivalent € tax themselves. Unfortunately, Mauduit had misunderstood achusetts. In € response to this news, irate Bostonians, on May 15 at a € town meeting, elected Richard Dana to head a committee, € including Samuel Adams, to draw up instructions for the € town's delegate to the House of Representatives. The men chosenere still € uncertain as to Grenville's intentions. In an attempt to € clarify the situation they arranged a meeting with the € Chancellor for May 17, 1764. At that time Grenville reaf½- € firmed his intention of presenting a stamp bill in Parli- € amentG46 46 € Grenville and thereby misled the colony. Although his € report was written only four days after the budget debate, € it was not Jasper, but his brother Israel, who actually € heard Grenv were Thomas Cushing, Royall Tyler, James Otis and € Oxenbridge Thacher.µ9´ The instructions, as approved by the € town meeting, expressed the town's anxiety regarding the € new duties submitted by Grenville to Parliament. € Significantly, the instruction. Believing a stamp tax to be the most equitable and € least expensive duty to put into operation, the First Lord € of the Treasury objected to any proposals for colonial ille's speech. Recent research now indicates € that Grenville had every intention of proceeding with a € stamp duty in the colonies, but in the course of this € debate had decided to delay action on the measure due to € the various objections raised.µ5´ s also stated that what € ‰hightens our Apprehensions is that those unex½- pected proceedings may be preparatory to new Taxations upon us; For if our Trade may be taxed why not our Lands? . . . This we apprehend G47 47 € self taxation or system of requisitions. Instead, he € recommended that the colonies consent to the measure, and if they so desired, to request modifications or altera½- € tions of the Charles Garth, the agent € for South Carolina, supported this interpretation in a € report dated April 17, 1764: ‰the Chancellor of the Exchequer at first pro½- posed it as a measure to take place this session, but Mr. Alderd out that the amount to be raised by each province € was still unknown. Bernard therefore promised to call the € assembly sometime in October, in order that more infor½- € mation might be obtained, while leaving enough time in € which to send instructionstablishment as unnecessary," and the stamp bill an € "unwarranted taxation without representation."µ11´ € Meanwhile, Jasper Mauduit had sent an account of the € May 17, 1764 meeting with Grenville to the Massachusetts € House of Representatives soonG50 50 € On July 2, 1764, Charles Jenkinson reminded Grenville that € he had delayed action on the bill the previous Parliamen¿- tary session because of lack of information. But now, he said, ts to their agent in England € before Parliament could take any action.µ13´ € Soon after this special session convened, a committee € was appointed to prepare an address to the King and € Parliament. The text of this memorial as shown in Chapter € II after it took place. € Fearing that Grenville would proceed with his stamp bill € unless immediate action was taken, the representatives for € Boston decided that a special session was necessary in € order that they may be able to "immediately set about shat the season was growing late and it was high € time that the "Government appear to take some steps for € that purpose"µ15´ The first such step was taken by Lord € Halifax in August. As Secretary of State for the Southern € Department, he sent a circul, passed through a series of revisions, the final draft € largely the handiwork of Chief Justice Thomas Hutchinson. € It strongly protested the new trade regulations and € restrictions although its assertion of rights had been € weakened when the word "priuch € taxation themselves or at least of doing something to pre½- € vent a Parliamentary tax."µ12´ The delegates met with € Governor Bernard on August 17, 1764. The Governor € recorded what took place at this meeting the following day € in a letter to RiG48 48 When the assembly convened later that month, Otis, € Thacher and Cushing again found themselves on a committee, € headed by Speaker of the House Samuel White, to examine € and considevilege" took the place of the € word "right" in referring to colonial freedom from € Parliamentary taxation. The petition had been further € weakened when its scope was limited to internal taxes, € thereby indicating a distinction between internal and € echard Jackson in which he stated that he r letters recently received from Jasper € Mauduit. The end product of their work consisted of a € letter of instructions to Jasper Mauduit dated June 13, € 1764, which asserted that the rate duty on molasses was € too high and placed undue hardship on thexternal taxes. Consequently, the address "requested that € the colonies continue to enjoy the privilege of laying € internal taxes."µ14´ € Arrival of the petition in England coincided with € efforts by the Ministry to resume work on the stamp bill. G49 49 € told the Boston members "that it was impossible at present € to proceed to an actual taxation untill the demand of the € Ministry should be further explained." In particular, he € pointe colony's trade. € Therefore, Mauduit was instructed to seek repeal of the € Sugar Act and prevent the enactment of any further taxes. € The committee also rejected Grenville's offer of raising € the tax themselves because they "considered the military € e p tax had been approved by the Treasury Board.µ16´ € In the meantime, various colonial petitions, instruc½- € tions for respective colonial agents and reports of colo½- € nial opposition had arrived in England. In particular, € the Imperial governme. And it was to this that both sides now € turned their attention. € Governor Bernard began preparations for the arrival € of the stamps on August 21. 0n that day he requested and € received the Council's approval to store the stamps in € Castle Wilnsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina attended the € Congress. Massachusetts, under Governor Bernard's € guidence, sent Timothy Ruggles, Oliver Partridge and James € Otis as representatives.µ32´ € Significantly, the Congress had been scheduled to €nt strongly reacted to the pleas sent € by the Assemblies of New York and Massachusetts, which € asserted that Parliament had no authority to tax the colo½- € nies for revenue. Only those taxes levied by their repre½- € sentatives in the various colonial liam. To ensure their safety Bernard also € ordered an independent company of sixty men to be raised € and added to the garrison.µ15´ General Gage, the military € Commander-in-Chief, also offered the services of one € hundred men from the 29th Regiment a commence in three months' time. During this interval € grievances regarding the Stamp Act began to arise. € Additional feelings of helplessness and frustration, € stemming from a realization that no effective action could € be taken by the Congress to prassemblies were deemed € constitutional. Once challenged, Parliament became even nd twelve artillerists € to further support and defend the Castle.µ16´ Finally € Captain Bishop of the ÄFÄoÄrÄtÄuÄnÄe Man-of-War was ordered to € examine all incoming ships for stamps. When the ships € carrying stamps arrived, Captain Bishop was to proteevent the taking effect of € the bill on November 1, merged with these grievances to € produce rather explosive results. € Perhaps the foremost grievance arising from the Sugar € and Stamp Acts of 1764 and 1765 concerned the fact that € these were theG56 56 € begun in response to the Sugar Act of 1764. The Massa- € chusetts House of Representatives resolved to determine € "what dutiful, loyal and humble Address may be proper to € make our graar letter to the colonial € governors requesting information of documents, legal € papers and other public transactions suitable for a colo½- € nial stamp tax. The recipients replied to this circular € letter, sending lists containing the relevant informa first acts that directly taxed the cious Sovereign and his Parliament, in rela½- € tion to the several Acts lately passed." Then on June 8 € the General Court sent a circular letter to each of the € colonial assemblies in North America enjoining them to € send delegates to meet in New Yorktion. € With this information at hand, Thomas Cruwys, under the € supervision of Treasury Secretary Thomas Whately, renewed € work on the proposed bill. By December 17, 1764, a plan, € based on the British stamp duties, for the proposed colo½- € nial stamI112 112 € € over the more explosive elements of the Boston mob.µ14´ € Only with the actual arrival and distribution of the € Stamps could the odious act be placed into operation in € Massachusetts on October 7 in order € to frame "a general and united, loyal and humble € Representation of their Condition to his Majesty, and € Parliament, [and] to implore Relief."µ31´ Delegates from € Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, € Penhe passage of the stamp act € became mere acts of formality, although February 27 wit½- € nessed a debate respecting the role of Vice Admiralty € Courts in the act's enforcement. On that date, the bill € received a third reading and the House passed it wi The first formal reading of the bill took place on € February 13; February 15 was scheduled for the second € reading. Traditionally at this point, petitions were € received regarding a bill. Yet when Rose Fuller attempted G53 53 € € concluded by referring to Americans as "children planted € by our Care, nourished up by our Indulgence untill they € are grown to a Degree of Strength & Opulence, and pro½- € tected by othout € further debate. The House of Lords approved the measure € without amendment and informed the Commons of their action € on May 8. Due to the King's illness the stamp bill € received Royal Assent by commission on March 22, 1765.µ26´ € The fin0G48 * @G49 GG50 S NG51 £G52 î G53 æ b ur Arms."µ23´ In reply, Colonel Barre declared € "they planted by your Care? No! Your Oppressions planted € em in America . . . They nourished up by your indulgence? € they grew up by your neglect of Em: as soon as you began € to care about Em, that Careal provisions of this act, scheduled to take € place November 1, provided that stamps or stamped papers € be required on a wide variety of colonial legal and com½- € mercial documents. The duty for these stamps varied bet½- € ween a half penny and ·V¶ 10 G54 54 € € to present a petition from Jamaica, Grenville availed him½- € self of a ruling of 1733 which forbade presentation of any € petitions concerning financial measures. Petitions from € Conn was Exercised in sending per½- € sons to rule over Em." These were "men whose behaviour on € many Occasions has caused the Blood of those Sons of € Liberty to recoil within them; . . . They protected by € your Arms? they have nobly taken up Arms in yourand were required for various ecticut, Virginia and South Carolina were also refused € presentation at this time. Those from Massachussetts and € New York were considered so extreme that none of the mem½- € bers of Parliament would present them. The bill thus € passed through its sec € defense." In conclusion, he prophetically stated "the € People I believe are as truly Loyal as any Subjects the € King has, but a people Jealous of their Lyberty and who € will vindicate them if ever they should be violated."µ24´ € When reports of thict € them until the stamps were safely landed and lodged in the € Castle. Later the sloop ÄJÄaÄmÄaÄiÄcÄa was also stationed at € Castle William to guard the stamped papers.µ17´ These acti- € vities created a good deal of alarm among the inhabitants € of ond reading without colonial input. € Later, it was revealed that the Privy Council had advised € the King to present these documents to Parliament, but the € recommendation was disregarded by Secretary of State € Halifax.µ25´ € The final stages of ts speech arrived in the colonies, the € phrase "Sons of Liberty" was immediately taken up and € applied to those members of the various popular party € organizations forming throughout North America; but € Barre's speech had little effect on Parliament. € Boston. Many threatened to attack the Castle if the € stamps were indeed stored there while others believed that € the garrison would voluntarily give up the stamps when € confronted by the mob.µ18´ Their concern seems to have profit that will ever be received from taxes.µ30´ At first the "discouragements, discontents, & € disaffection" took peaceful forms similar to the pattern ce, newspaper advertisements and other € items. Enforcement of this act was to be largely € accomplished by declaring that those papers requiring € stamps, when unstamped, were inadmissable into court.µ27´ € News of the Stamp Act's passage reached B colo½- € nial effort to achieve Parliamentry repeal of the act. € Meanwhile, the popular leadership entered a period of € transition. James Otis, the acknowledged head of this € group since the writs of assistance controversy, created I114 114 € € rejoicing. With the reinstatement of Pitt in 1767 the € popular party had new reasons to hope for the repeal of € the Stamp Act. In the course of their celebrations € townsmen hoistedoston on May € 27, 1765.µ28´ Initially, colonial reactions ranged from € feelings of despondency to a quiet resignation "to be € ready to do anything or everything to obtain relief." € Jonathan Mayhew observed that many colonials did not know € "what, wheG57 57 colonists. Fearing that these measures were intended to € inaugurate a major change in policy, many inhabitants € began to distinguish between internal and external taxes. External taxes a Union flag upon the Liberty Tree with € "PITT THE SUPPORTER OF LIBERTY AND THE TERROR OF TYRANTS" € inscribed on one side and the following verse printed on € the reverse: ‰To BÄ te and GÄ Ä nÄ Ä Ä Ä e, mark the Event, Both Hean, where, [or] how" to obtain relief. Colonial € reaction was disorganized for "even the wise and good men, € tho' equally against the measure, could not . . . agree € what was to be done."µ29´ On April 9, 1765, Thomas € Hutchinson recorded his own obs were those previously enacted by the € ministry on customs duties and imports. Internal taxes, € on the other hand, were those which directly taxed the € colonies for the purpose of raising revenue. The colo½- € nists believed that the home ministry couven and Earth are Foes, While Curses on each Wretch are sent By every Wind that blows God Save the King € An hour before sunset this flag was taken down and the € crowd dispersed in order to prevent any disorders from €ervations that € ‰the people here look upon their Liberties as gone. When parliament once begin, they say there is no drawing the line, as long as the Colonists have any property left . . . The ministry mald be persuaded € to discontinue the Stamp Act if a distinction was made € between internal and external taxation. Once the right to € impose taxes for raising revenue was conceded, a dangerous € precedent for further taxation by Parliament would be € est occurring that night.µ23´ It seems reasonable to assume € that Mackintosh was present during the festivities and € may have been responsible for the crowd's behavior. € Among the merchants of Boston a growing nonimpor½- € tation sentiment became eviy gain applause . . . but I think there is danger that the discouragements, discontents, & disaffection to the mother Country, which will be caused in many of the colonies, will eventually more than balance all G55 55 € € legal papers used in civil cases, liquor and legal € licenses, mortgages, deeds, leases, bills of lading, € college diplomas, custom clearances, newspapers, invoices, € playing cards, dident. A significant number € of merchants had already written to England stating that € they would order goods only when the Stamp Act had been € repealed.µ24´ Thus these merchants had begun one of the € most important and influential devices used in theablished. This argument was further expanded to the € higher realm of constitutional rights and natural law. In € so doing, colonists asserted that it was unconstitutional € under the British Constitution to impose internal taxes € without their consent ts.µ36´ Many colo½- € nists believed differently. As summer progressed, their € grievances would begin to stimulate other colonists into € taking action. € In Boston the summer had begun quietly enough. The € annual election of the town's representgainst defendants € in that they received a share of the sale of condemned € property. James Otis, in his pamphlet "The Rights of the € British Colonies Asserted and Proven," stated that € admiralty courts "savour more of modern Rome and the € Inquisitionas expressed through representatives € within the various colonial assemblies.µ33´ € Another grievance developed over apprehensions that € the Stamp Act would drain the colony of specie. The fire € of March, 1760, the French and Indian War, and the atives, held on May € 14, 1765, amidst rumours of the impending Stamp Act, saw € James Otis, Thomas Cushing, Oxenbridge Thacher, and Thomas € Gray selected to represent the town.µ37´ That same day € Samuel Adams, in an attempt to collect those taxes pre½-, than of the common law of England and the € constitution of Great Britain."µ35´ € With the passage of the Stamp Act, admiralty court € jurisdiction was further extended to cover its enforcement € under terms already established by the Sugar Act. € small- € pox epidemic of 1764 had severely weakened Massachusetts € economically. The stamp duties, it was feared, would now € place additional demands on the economy and cash supply. € Those who could rely on credit would not be as hard hit as € viously unpaid during his service as one of the town's tax € collectors, composed a warning to these debtors, stating € that "they may depend upon the Steps of the Law being € taken without distinction of Persons," which he published € in Boston's newspPreviously, admiralty courts were restricted to enforce- € ment of the Acts of Trade and Navigation. Many colonists € distinguished between those statutes regulating commerce € from those which imposed taxes upon their trade and G58 58 debtors and those with a low income. The risk of impri½- sonment appeared menacing to many who could not get the € necessary cash.µ34´ € Admiralty Courts were another source of colapers.µ38´ How successful this maneuver € was is unknown. The following week news arrived with € official confirmation of the passage of the Stamp Act. € After the resolution calling for a Stamp Act Congress G59 59 € € themselves. The English establishment, however, made no € such distinction; for them, acts designed to regulate € trade, when enforced, brought in revenue. In this sense € Parliament honial € grievances. The Sugar Act granted that forfeitures and penalties arising from the act or any earlier law regu½- € lating trade, at the request of the informer or prose- € cutor, could be tried in a court of record or admiralty € court. To that e0G54 iG55 © pG56 % UG57 ÷ }G58 ç ƒG59 Ó ‰ ad been taxing American trade for years and € violations of these acts were tried in admiralty courts. € There was no reason, according to Englishmen, why € admiralty courts could not try cases involving additional € taxation through the Sugar and Stamp Acnd a vice-admiralty court with jurisdic½- € tion over all of America was established at Halifax, Nova € Scotia. Admiralty courts had long been a source of € dissatisfaction, for they operated without juries. In € addition these courts were often biased aempted coup within the Council had confirmed the fact € that local channels for attaining relief had been € exhausted. Consequently the opposition leadership turned € to the crowd and Ebenezer Mackintosh for direct action.µ43´ € The decision to empl"only use € not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love € serve one another," which stressed restraint. Years € later Hutchinson recorded the effects of this sermon in € his ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄvÄiÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuH91 91 € € publicly declared that he was not "a Promoter" or an € "Encourager of the Stamp Act." Later that day Bernard € became aware of "some small Rumour that Mischief would € be done that Nighoy the use of symbolic crowd € action seems to have been made sometime after the arrival € of Jared Ingersoll, newly appointed Stamp Distributor for € Connecticut. Having arrived in Boston on July 28, € Ingersoll spent much of the following eight days in ÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄBÄaÄy when he t" but the rumor passed unnoticed. € Hutchinson, after arriving from Milton with his family € that morning, learned that "there would be a mob at night € and that Paxton, Hallowell, and the custom house and € admiralty officers' houses would be attacked." the € company of the Massachusetts Stamp Agent, Andrew Oliver, € and other fellow placemen. This action, though natural € enough, became a cause of concern and as such prompted one € contributor to comment in the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe of August 5, G63 63 € € towards the petition and the man most reponsible for its € dilution, Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, began to sur½- € face. Additional feelings of frustration became € increasingly evid At the € same time friends assured him that the mob had been € satisfied with their actions against him the previous € 15th. Yet, clearly the mob did plan to assemble on August € 26, and Bernard, Hutchinson and many others were aware of € this fact.µ9´ € 1765: ent regarding the established channels € for obtaining redress from grievances. The Massachusetts € Petition, though unacceptable to many, represented an attempt by the colony to proceed through institutional € channels. When Parliament refused to consi€ An emotional stimulus was unexpectedly provided by € Jonathan Mayhew. On August 25, as minister of the West € Church in Boston, he preached a dynamic sermon against the € Stamp Act and those who may have encouraged its passage € "for the sake of prG62 62 € € another member of the Long Room Club, was a Warden of € Boston.µ40´ € The first attempt to test the power of the popular € party, backed by these Sons of Liberty, came in June 1765der the various € colonial petitions, it closed off one of the most impor½- € tant means for relief of colonial grievances. Other legal € procedures were too slow and the Stamp Act was scheduled € to go into effect on November 1. The failure of the € attesent gain." For the text, Mayhew € chose Galatians V, 12, 13; "I would they were even cut off € which trouble you. For, brethren, ye have been called € unto liberty." This section of the text emphasized € resistance. He omitted the subsequent clause, , € when an effort was launched to oust Lieutenant Governor € Thomas Hutchinson and Secretary Andrew Oliver from the € Council. Hutchinson's popularity had been suffering since € 1748 when he played a major role in establishing hard € money in the colony;on h slave drivers"; "For the sake of gaining € the favor of their white masters [the British Government]" € these officers "treated their fellow slaves with special € brutality."µ45´ € In the midst of these activities, Ebenezer Mackintosh € continued t, MHS; Boyle, "Boyle's € Journal," p. 169; Cyrus Baldwin to his brother, August 15, € 1765, Misc. Bound Manuscripts 1761-1765, MHS; Franklin € Dexter, ÄEÄxÄtÄrÄaÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄIÄtÄiÄnÄeÄrÄaÄrÄiÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄOÄtÄhÄeÄr € ÄMÄiÄsÄcÄeÄlÄlÄaÄnÄiÄeÄsG80 80 € € µ45´BG, August 12, 19, 1765; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; € Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 92. € µ46´Probate Records, ´#86536 505:124, SCF; Anderson, € "Ebenezer Ma Oliver, had recently been com½- € missioned Stamp Agent for Massachusetts and, as such, was € becoming increasingly unpopular. The effort to drop € Hutchinson and Oliver proved unsuccessful by a narrow € margin of only a few votes. Nevertheless, the oppÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄEÄzÄrÄaÄ ÄSÄtÄiÄlÄeÄsÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä5Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä9Ä4Ä,Ä ÄwÄiÄtÄhÄ ÄaÄ ÄSÄeÄlÄeÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn € ÄfÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄe (New Haven, Conn., 1916) p. 436; ckintosh," p. 28; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. € 97; Brayley, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt, p. 69. € µ47´#86536 505:124, SCF; Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 28; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 96. € µ 48´Hoerdosition € was rapidly gaining momentum.µ41´ € The turning point for the rising popular party and € Sons of Liberty came with the publishing of the Virginia € Resolves on July 2 in the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe. Hutchinson him½- € self noted that G64 64 € ‰I must also take Leave positively to declare that all Measures prejudicial to the Interests of America, ever yet taken, have been not only proposeder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 56-57, 92; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 28. € µ49´George P. Anderson has suggested that Mackintosh € may have employed his skills to create the effigy of a € boot; see his article, "Ebenezer Mackintosh: "soon after the resolves of the Virginia € Assembly were sent hither, a new spirit appeared at once." € Governor Bernard, who "had been persuaded that despite € some murmuring, the people would submit to the Stamp Act" € commented that the Virginia Resolve, but even very warmly recommended by mean mercenary Hirelings or Parricides among yourselves who for a little filthy Lucre would at any time betray every Right, Liberty and Priviledge [ÄsÄiÄc.] of their Fellow SubjeStamp Act € Rioter and Patriot," CSMP 26:30. Hezekiah Niles suggests € that Captain Mackintosh illuminated the tree and hung € effigies upon it. Hezekiah Niles, ÄPÄrÄiÄnÄcÄiÄpÄlÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄf € ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn (Baltimore, 1822,s "served as an Alarm € Bell to Americans."µ42´ Indeed, for many Bostonians these € resolves seemed bold and assertive of their rights. The € Massachusetts petition against the Stamp Act appeared € soft, even cowardly, in comparison. Wrath and indignaticts. Ingersoll's departure for Connecticut became an additional € cause for concern in Boston for he was accompanied by € Andrew Oliver. According to Hutchinson, Oliver's actions € "occasioned murmuring among the people" and he was often € "compared wit reprint edition Maywood, € Calif.: Kunkin Turner Publications, 1961), p. 139. € µ50´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, p. 58; Gordon, € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, p. 175; August 17, 1765, Letters from Rev. Samuel € Mather to his son, 1759-1785y prepared by the mem½- € bers of the Loyal Nine.µ49´ One of the effigies had the € letters "A.0." (for Andrew Oliver) sewn on his right arm € and on the left was written "Its a glorious sight to see a € Stamp man hanging on a Tree." On its breast a largfice to further significant for two days later a Boston riot € led by Mackintosh bullied its way through the town. It € may be assumed therefore that Samuel Adams knew Mackintosh € at least four weeks prior to the first riot. Furthermore, € the writ against the two corde piece € of paper with the following inscription had been attached: Fair Freedoms glorious cause I meanly Quitted, Betrayed my Country for the Sake of Self, But ah! at length the Devil hath me outwitted, Instead o0G60 G61 P ™G62 žG63 —G64 µ ¬G65 ³ wainers was later returned € "by order of the creditor" with "no part satisfied." Why € then did Adams take out such a writ if he would not € enforce its execution? One supposition may be that Adams € felt such action was necessary in order to maintain € o practice his trade as a cordwainer and his € new duties as one of the town's Sealers of Leather. There € is some evidence to suggest that Mackintosh had also gone € into partnership with another cordwainer, Benjamin Bass.46 € Mackintosh and Bass had metG66 66 € € his interests and profit at the expense of his fellow € townsmen. In so doing, he had violated the people's trust € and incurred their wrath. The time had passed for peace½- € ful protcontrol over Mackintosh and the mob. In threatening to € seize their goods, chattels or lands, Adams was insuring € Mackintosh's cooperation in the future.µ47´ € Confident about their hold over the crowd, the € leaders of the opposition decided to u while serving on Fire Engine € 9. It is interesting to note at this point that on the € second Tuesday of July, 1765, Samuel Adams brought actions € against Mackintosh and Bass in the Inferior Court of € Common Pleas. Adams was awarded a verdict of ·V¶ est; intimidation and fear had now become the € order of the day. The purpose of the mob was simple: to € terrify Oliver and others to such a degree as to insure € their submission to the wishes of the town.µ48´ Therefore, € on August 14, Captain Mackintse direct crowd € action against those officials who would attempt to € enforce the provisions of the Stamp Act. The behavior of € the Stamp Distributors, Ingersoll and Oliver, had brought € forth the realization that, if the Stamp Master (as they € were 12 10s 8d € damages. Unfortunately, the cause of this suit is not € known. It may have arisen out of a personal debt or € perhaps Adams was attempting to acquire a debt incurred osh and his followers were € called into action. € The day began with the appearance of two effigies € hanging upon the limb of a large elm tree situated at € Deacon Elliot's corner at the South End entrance into € town. These images had been secretlincreasingly referred to) did not distribute the € stamps, the act could not go into effect. Additional € feelings of betrayal may have also influenced the € opposition leadership. Andrew Oliver, a member of the € town elite, was clearly using his new ofG65 65 € during his term as tax collector. In any event, by August € the debt was still unpaid. Then on August 12, Samuel € Adams again brought action against Mackintosh and Bass. € The date is G68 68 € € Peace Officers to be "vigilant in the execution of the € Laws, and preserving the Public Peace."µ53´ € While the Council thus debated, a crowd had been € steadily forming about theo take the images down.µ50´ As the people € passed these effigies on their way in and out of town, € word soon spread causing large numbers of the curious to € travel from other parts of Boston and many of the adjacent € towns to gaze upon the spectacle. ts. To this end, the crowd, now attaining mob effigies. By sunset several € thousand people, led by Ebenezer Mackintosh, who in turn € was directed by the Loyal Nine, were eagerly anticipating € the commencement of the night's activities. Also included within the crowd were fifty "gentlemen" disgu Soon parties of men € took turns guarding the effigies.µ51´ Several times € throughout the day Sheriff Stephen Greenleaf, by order € of Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson and Governor Bernard, € attempted to cut them down but was unable to do so, as the € crG69 69 € € proportions, proceeded to Oliver's dock. There Oliver had € erected a building designed to be rented for shops. The € people, however, supposed this to be the new Stamp Office € and thised in € trousers and jackets. Governor Bernard may have been re½- € ferring to these men when he later stated that Mackintosh € and his mob "acted Visibly under the directions of Persons € much his Superiors."µ54´ At sunset a number of these repu½- € towd would not permit it. Bernard therefore ordered the € Council to meet that afternoon.µ52´ € At the Council meeting, the Governor sought advice € regarding what actions might be taken in such a situation. € Apparently many Council members believedf stamping others have hanged my Self. He that takes this down is an enemy to his Country. € Behind this effigy hung an image of a boot, a symbol for € Lord Bute, a close advisor to the King and the "supposed € Instigator of the Act." able inhabitants cut down the effigies and placed it on a € bier with a sheet covering it. The crowd then proceeded € with this pageant down the main street shouting "Liberty € and Property for ever" and "no stamps." Upon reaching the € town house, where it to be a € "Boyish sport" and recommended that nothing should be € done. Others believed that if action were taken without € sufficient force to back it up, it would only serve to € "inflame the people." The majority therefore were in € agreement that Out of this boot appeared the € head of the Devil. Because they were strategically placed the Council was sitting, the crowd pro½- € ceeded to march through the building, giving "three € huzza's by Way of Defiance."µ55´ As Mackintosh continued € down King Street, the multitude which, up to that time, € had consisted largely of members of the no action should be taken. Significantly, € though, the Council did not wish to have this advice € recorded. In the end it had been decided that the € Governor be advised to give orders to the Sheriff and G67 67 € € along one of the major streets in Boston, they quickly € drew a crowd, so that by five o'clock in the morning, the € owner of the tree was confronted by an assemblage when € attempting tSouth End was now € joined by some of the members from the North End.µ56´ € Previously fierce rivals, these men were now united under € Mackintosh in common cause against the Stamp Act and € the man who had been appointed to administer it in € Massachuseties € on a bonfire kindled upon the hill.µ57´ € The activities which had occurred up to this point € seem to have been originally planned by the Loyal Nine, € for the fifty or so disguised gentlemen departed soon € after the burning of the effigies.µG71 71 € ·V¶ 100 "for the discovery and apprehending of any & each € person so concerned" and to pardon anyone who should € inform upon any of his accomplices. In addition, Bernard € ordered the he colonel could do nothing. € A search party also set out to discover the whereabouts of € Secretary Oliver, but was persuaded to desist by a gentle½- € man who informed them that Oliver had gone to Castle € William with the Governor.µ59´ € Soon aft58´ In the meantime, € Secretary Oliver and his family had been prevailed upon by € Thomas Hutchinson to quit the house and seek refuge. A € few of his friends, including the Sheriff and the Customs € Surveyor, Mr. Charles Paxton, remained behind to act Justices of the Peace and Selectmen to insti½- € tute a town watch. Since many of the rioters were known, € Bernard's proclamation was looked upon as a matter of form € and therefore not to be taken seriously. Later Bernard € became aware of the fact thaer eleven o'clock Hutchinson and Sheriff € Greenleaf proceeded to the area, hoping to persuade the € mob to disperse. Yet no sooner did they attempt to speak € than a ring leader (perhaps Mackintosh?) declared "GÄ Ä Ä Ä Ä DÄ Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä their Blood! Theas € guards. This was an unfortunate move, for when the mob € descended upon the garden fence, stables and coach house € for fresh supplies of wood, those within the Oliver house € committed what have been described as indiscretions and € thereby enraged t if he attempted to enforce € the proclamation or bring the rioters to justice, he, too, € would suffer the wrath of the mob.µ61´ € Meanwhile, Andrew Oliver had been deliberating upon € his own situation. Several gentlemen had stopped by that € day Governor and the Sheriff! To € your Arms my boys. Let no man give way!" Whereupon a € shower of stones descended upon Hutchinson and Greenleaf € as they narrowly made their escape. The crowd began to € disperse soon after this incident and by midnightthe people. With renewed vigor the mob erefore attacked it with such vengeance that it was € pulled to the ground in five minutes and completely demo½- € lished within the space of half an hour. Taking the € wooden remains with them, Mackintosh and his followers € continued their procession to the town € was once again quiet.µ60´ € The next day Governor Bernard ordered a meeting of € the Council. When this body met, the Governor desired € their advice regarding what measures should be taken. He € was advised to issue a proclamation promG70 70 € € began to attack the garden, the summer house and finally € the main house itself. In so doing they beat down doors, € destroyed trees and broke windows. Upon gaining entrance € through Fort Hill. Adjacent to Fort € Hill stood Andrew Oliver's house. When the populace € reached this, they ceremoniously beheaded his effigy, € throwing the head into Oliver's garden and breaking the € windows nearest the street. Then they burned the effigising a reward of the rear of the house they destroyed much of the € furniture, drank a good deal of liquor in the cellars and € scattered about the silver plate found within. Thomas € Hutchinson, meanwhile, went to the colonel of the Boston € Regiment seeking help, but tto persuade them that the € Lieutenant Governor "who had been serving his country all € his days" would not be in favor of any act detrimental to € the country. The crowd, somewhat convinced by this ora½- € tory, moved away, only to reappear at the ProvinG72 72 € € several hundred, proceeded to Lieutenant Governor € Hutchinson's house. He had been warned of their coming € and sent his children to safety while he secured the win½- € dows and doors signation to € England and that he would never act in that post.µ62´ € That night the mob reassembled on Fort Hill with the € purpose of pulling down Oliver's home, but when informed € of his resignation they instead expressed joy and thanks € to thece House, € the home of Governor Bernard. The people, upon inquiring of the house. Hutchinson remained within € the building. The mob attacked Hutchinson for a number of € reasons, the most obvious of which were his actions of the € previous night in seeking the help of the Sheriff and € Colonel of the Regiment. In addit Secretary. About nine o'clock the mob, numbering G73 73 € € for Bernard, were told that he was at Castle William, € whereupon there was a loud cheer and the people € dispersed.µ63´ € The activities of this night had not been planned by € thion, rumours had begun € to circulate stating that Hutchinson favored the Stamp Act € and had encouraged it through letters to the ministry. € Upon reaching the house, members of the crowd, furiously € banged at the door and demanding that Hutchinson appea0G66 ] »G67 Ñ ÂG68 0 ÈG69 ) ÏG70 ÖG71 4 Ý e Loyal Nine, the Sons of Liberty or the leadership of € the popular party. Rather, it seems that the "lowest of € the mob," had impulsively decided to continue the € following night. The fifteenth had been a Thursday, € Boston's market day, and inhabitar before them. They declared that no harm would come to him € if he would publicly state that he "never wrote to England € in favor of the Stamp Act." Hutchinson remained silent, € feeling that such a request "was an indignity to which he € would not su1F36 F42 ?G48 hG54 G60 ºG66 ä to offer him their advice. Specifically, they advised € Oliver to publicly announce his resignation as Stamp € Distributor or face the very real possibility that the mob € would again be called into action in order to completely € destroy his home and pobmit." Receiving no answer the mob began to € break the windows. At this point one of the neighbors € informed the people that Hutchinson had left that day for € his home in the country. Presently an elderly tradesman € talked to the crowd in an effort 1 RE6 QE12 uF18 œF24 ÁF30 ë ssibly endanger his life. With his € family already terror-stricken, and the government vir½- € tually helpless, Oliver had no choice: he resolved to € resign his office. Oliver therefore agreed to publicly € declare that he would immediately send his rey each year until after € the signing of the Declaration of Independence.µ66´ € In the midst of this mood of optimism, Thomas € Hutchinson expressed conern and apprehension. He feared € that if the Stamp Act was not permitted to go into execu½- € tise, whatever prompted the mob to rise up again, their € purpose seems to have been to intimidate the Governor and € Lieutenant Governor into writing home to the ministry in € order to advocate a repeal of the Stamp Act.µ64´ € Although neither Hutchin ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä3Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä5 (Lincoln: € University of Nebraska Press, 1965), pp. 49-65; € Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, pp. 221-227; William T. Laprade, "The € Stamp Act in British Politics," AHR 35:735-757 (1930). € µ2´on then all judicial proceedings and business would € cease, with disastrous consequences for the colony. He € therefore expected additional events similar to the upri½- € sings in Boston on August 14 and 15 to be repeated not € only in Massachusetts, butson nor Bernard complied with € these wishes, the people of Boston became increasingly € determined not to allow the Stamp Act to take effect. The € common talk of the town expressed the opinion that "they € are no longer considered by the people of EnglaThe historical debate over this question still € continues. See Edmund S. Morgan, "The Postonement of the € Stamp Act," WMQ 7:353-392 (1950); Ritcheson, "Preparation € of the Stamp Act," pp. 353-354; Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, € pp. 72-75; throughout the American colo½- € nies as a whole. In order to face the coming months of € uncertainty Hutchinson implored "God to give [him] a € greater share of fortitude and discretion here than [he € had] ever yet been master of."µ67´ nd as their € fellow subjects and intitled to English liberties," and € therefore the "Stamp Act shall not be executed here" and € any "man who offers a Stamped Paper to sell will be immed- € iately killed." Bernard himself admitted that "it will Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:259-260. € µ3´Ritcheson, "Preparation of the Stamp Act." pp. 553- € 554; Sosin, ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, pp. 50-51; Morgan, € "Postponement of the Stamp Act," pp. 355-358; Gipson, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄG75 75 € € µ1´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, p. 35; Gipson, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ Ä ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:246; P.D.G. Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs € ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄSG74 74 € € be impossible to atempt to carry the Act into Execution." € Indeed, without a Stamp Master to sell the hated stamps, € Bostonians were confident that they had effectively pre½- € vented sÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:259-260. € µ4´MA 22:359. µ5´Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, pp. 73-75. µ6´Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, p. 75. ÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄsÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄsÄtÄ ÄPÄhÄaÄsÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄn € ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä3Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä7 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), pp. € 54, 74. For more background information see Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄp € ÄAÄcÄtÄ Äthe execution of the Stamp Act.µ65´ The events € of August 14 were, therefore, seen as a triumph for € Mackintosh, the Loyal Nine and the Sons of Liberty. In € fact the Sons of Liberty considered it so much a victory € that they celebrated its anniversarnts from the neighboring € towns enlarged the town's population. Perhaps these € newcomers wished to take part in the demonstrations, while € the rioters from the previous night were, as Bernard € suggested, "unwilling to lose their Frolick." In any € caCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 75-98; Charles Ritcheson, "The Preparation € of the Stamp Act," WMQ 10:543-559 (1953); Jack Sosin, € ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄsÄ:Ä ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄCÄoÄlÄoÄnÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄcÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄG76 76 € µ7´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 81-84, and € "Postponement of the Stamp Act," pp. 359-364; Thomas, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, pp. 75-76; Sosin, ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 91. € µ21´Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, p. 85; Laprade, "Stamp € Act in British Politics," p. 744. € µ22´ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄlÄ ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄr, pp. 34-36; Thomas, British € Politics, p. 91. € µ23´Morgp. 56. µ12´Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 29. µ13´Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, pp. 28-29. Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, € pp. 49-53; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:261-264. Morgan € contends that Grenville first offered the possibility of € self taxation to the colonies but changed his mind on May € 17, 1764. Thomas takes Morgan to an, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 32; Knollenberg, Origin, p. € 224; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:272-273. € µ24´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, pp. 38-40; Morgan, € ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 32; Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 224; GiG77 77 € µ14´Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, pp. 199-201; Sosin, ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, p. 56. € µ 15´Laprade, "Stamp Act in British Politics," p. 745; € Ritcheson, "Preparissue over this topic € and asserts that Grenville had merely changed his mind in € not pressing for legislation and had done so on March 9th. € µ8´ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄlÄ ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄrÄ Ä.Ä Ä.Ä Ä.Ä ÄfÄoÄrÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5, p. 33; € Thomas, ÄBÄrÄipson, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:272-273. ation of the Stamp Act," p. 555. € µ16´Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, pp. 79-81; Knollenberg, € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 221. € µ 1´7Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, pp. 35-38; Thomas, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, p. ÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄpÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, p. 75; Sosin, ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, p. 53. € µ9´BG, May 7, 1764; Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 196. It is € interesting to note that at this time Thomas Cushing, one € of Boston's leading merchants was0G72 G çG73 ù îG74 ò ôG75 ùG76 b G77 2 77; Sosin, ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, pp. € 57-58; Morgan, "Postponement of the Stamp Act," pp. 370- € 371; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:269. € µ 18´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 89-90, and € "Postponement of also a member of the € Monday Night Club, Royall Tyler, Samuel Adams and James € Otis were members of the Long Room Club and Oxenbridge € Thacher had previously distinguished himself in the writs € of assistance case in 1761. For more detail see Chapter G78 78 € € µ 25´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, p. 40; Thomas, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, pp. 87, 94; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, p. € 274; Laprade, "Stathe Stamp Act," p. 372, and ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, € p. 33. € µ19´ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄlÄ ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄr, p. 33; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, € pp. 89-90, and "Postponement of the Stamp Act," p. 372, € and ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 33. € µ 20´Morgan, Ä€ II. µ10´Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 196. µ11´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, pp. 35-36; ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄl € ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄr, p. 33; Knollenberg, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, pp. 197-198; Sosin, € ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, 20:164-165; Boyle, € "Boyle's Journal," p. 168. € µ 41´MA 26:139; Brennan, ÄPÄlÄuÄrÄaÄlÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄeÄ ÄHÄoÄlÄdÄiÄnÄg, p. 75. € µ42´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:137; MA 26:209; Brennan, ÄPÄlÄuÄrÄaÄlÄ ÄOÄfÄfÄiÄcÄeÄ ÄHÄÄDÄeÄcÄlÄaÄrÄaÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄIÄnÄdÄeÄpÄeÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄeÄ:Ä ÄAÄ ÄSÄtÄuÄdÄyÄ ÄiÄn € ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄaÄlÄ ÄIÄdÄeÄaÄs (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, € 1942), pp. 85-91. € µ34´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 91. mp Act in British Politics," p. 747. € µ26´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, p. 40; ÄAÄnÄnÄuÄaÄl € ÄRÄeÄgÄiÄsÄtÄeÄr, p. 38; Thomas, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄPÄoÄlÄiÄtÄiÄcÄs, p. 98; Gipson, € ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:274; Knollenberg,oÄlÄdÄiÄnÄg, p. € 75; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:290. The Virginia Resolves € and related documents can be found in Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe € pp. 46-50. € µ43´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 90. € µ44´BG, August 5, 12, 1765; G79 79 € € µ35´David S. Lovejoy, "Rights Imply Equality: The Case € Against Admiralty Jurisdiction in America, 1764-1776," WMQ € 16:465-467 (1959); Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 91. € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 226. € µ 27´Danby Pickering, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄSÄtÄaÄtÄuÄtÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄtÄ ÄLÄaÄrÄgÄe € (Cambridge, 1762-1807), 26:179-204; Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe € pp. 35-43; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:274; Knollenberg, € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 226Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe € 10:291-292. µ36´Lovejoy, "Rights Imply Equality," pp. 469-470. € µ37´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 168. € µ38´BG, May 20, 1765. € µ39´William V. Wells, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄLÄiÄfÄeÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄuÄbÄlÄiÄcÄ ÄSÄeÄrÄvÄiÄcÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄf € ÄSÄaÄmÄuÄeÄlÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄsÄ,Ä ÄBÄe. € µ28´John Boyle, "Boyle's Journal of Occurrences in € Boston, 1759-1778," NEHGR 84:168 (1930); Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄd € ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 88. € µ 29´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 52. € µ 30´MA 26:135; GipG81 81 € € Caleb H. Snow in ÄAÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ,Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄMÄeÄtÄrÄoÄpÄoÄlÄiÄsÄ ÄoÄf € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ,Ä ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄiÄtÄsÄ ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄrÄeÄsÄeÄnÄtÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄaÄ ÄNÄaÄrÄrÄaÄtÄiÄvÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄOÄpÄiÄnÄiÄoÄnÄs, € ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄ ÄAÄgÄeÄnÄcÄyÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄdÄuÄcÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄFÄoÄrÄwÄaÄrÄdÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄn € ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn (Boston: Little, Brown, and Compson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:286-287. € µ 31´Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:290-291; Knollenberg, € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, pp. 228-229; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 89. € µ32´Bernard to the Lords of Trade, Boston, July 8, € 1765, Ä ÄPÄeÄrÄiÄoÄdÄ;Ä ÄWÄiÄtÄh € ÄSÄoÄmÄeÄ ÄAÄcÄcÄoÄuÄnÄtÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄEÄnÄvÄiÄrÄoÄnÄs (Boston: Abel Bowen, 1828), € states that this idea of hanging effigies was probably an € imitation of a similar event in Devonshire, England, an € account of which appeaany, 1865), € 1:63-64; R. S. Longley, "Mob Activities in Revolutionary € Massachusetts," NEQ 6:109 (1933); Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, € p. 323. € µ40´BG, March 18, June 10, 1765; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 49; BTR 16:130-132, MS Sparks 43, 4:28, HHL; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄt ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, € pp. 139-140. € µ33´Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe 10:285-286; Knollenberg, € ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄn, p. 200; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 151-152; € Carl Becker, ÄTÄhÄeÄ red in a Boston newspaper of August € 20, 1763. The sight of these effigies so impressed one € inhabitant that he composed a poem entitled "Liberty, € Property and No Excise." Xpb h. 90, 477, Rare Book Room, € BPL. € µ51´August 17, 1765, Letters fromI111 111 € € repeal of the Stamp Act, crowd action might once again € provide the popular leadership with a useful tool of € resistance. In the meantime, the crowd would have to be € restrained. etters from Rev. Samuel Mather € to his son, MHS; Hutchinson toÄ Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, € 26:145a, MA. € µ59´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:142; August 17, 1765, Letters from Rev. Samuel Mather € to his son, MHSin control To do so, the Sons of Liberty enlisted the € help of Ebenezer Mackintosh. According to Governor € Bernard, Mackintosh "took the care of the Town, after the € Militia had refused to muster under my order & the Council € advised me to discharge the order."µ Rev. Samuel Mather to € his son, 1759-1785, MHS; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87. € µ52´Mrs. L. Mayo, ÄTÄyÄpÄeÄsÄcÄrÄiÄpÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄuÄtÄcÄhÄiÄnÄsÄoÄnÄ ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄr € ÄBÄoÄoÄkÄsÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄAÄrÄcÄhÄiÄvÄeÄs, G82 82 € € µ55´Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 14, 1765, p. 361, MHS; € Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:175; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; € Bernard to the Earl of Halifax, August 15, 1765, M12´ Mackintosh, who had € formerly been used to control the Boston mob in action, € was now employed so as to prevent similar mob action from € taking place. His success may be seen in the absence of € any further acts of violence during the ensuing weeks26:145a MHS; Bernard € to the Earl of Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:137-138; Dexter, ÄEÄxÄtÄrÄaÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄEÄzÄrÄaÄ ÄSÄtÄiÄlÄeÄs, p. 436; € Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87. € µ 53´Bernard to the Earl of Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS € SS Sparks € 4, 4:139, HHL; Cunningham ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, pp. € 88-89; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August 19, 1765. € µ56´Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 14, 1765, MHS; € Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; Bernard to Thomas Powna. € Indeed, in writing to Lord Halifax on August 31, Bernard € commented "that it is become now much safer to meet [the € Council] at Boston than it was a Week ago: the Town is € become as quiet as ever it was." On September 7, Bernard € further noted thaparks 4, 4:138-139; Massachusetts Council Records, 16:31 € MA. € µ54´ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August 19, 1765; Bernard to Thomas € Pownall, November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:43-44, HHL; € Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:1ll, € November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:44, HHL. € µ57´Hutchinson, History, 3:87; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August € 19, 1765; Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS € Sparks 4, 4:139; Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, pp. 175-176; Freeman, € ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄt "the people of this Town, I mean per½- € sons of property & Consideration, begin to cool in their € Zeal."µ13´ € Thus by the beginning of September 1765, both € Loyalists and Patriots of Boston prepared for the effec½- € tive date of the Stamp Act.42, HHL; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ € ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:292; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," pp. € 355-361. bÄoÄoÄk, August 14, 1765, August 17, 1765, Letters from € Rev. Samuel Mather to his son, MHS; Dexter, ÄEÄxÄtÄrÄaÄcÄtÄsÄ Ä.Ä Ä. € Ä.Ä ÄEÄzÄrÄaÄ ÄSÄtÄiÄlÄeÄs, p. 436. € µ58´Bernard to Lord Halifax, Aug. 15, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:142; August 17, 1765, L The Sons of Liberty, acting € through the Loyal Nine and Ebenezer Mackintosh, had suc½- € cessfully forced Andrew Oliver to resign his post as Stamp € Master, intimidated influential customs officials and € Chief Justice Hutchinson, and managed to mainta µ61´Massachusetts Council Records, 16:32-33, MA; BG, € September 2, l765; Samuel G. Drake, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄnÄtÄiÄqÄuÄiÄtÄiÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ Ä.Ä Ä.Ä Ä.Ä ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄIÄtÄsÄ ÄSÄeÄtÄtÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄtÄ ÄiÄnÄ Ä1Ä6Ä3Ä0Ä ÄtÄo € ÄtÄhÄeÄ0G78 ô G79 4 G80 ¬ ¥G81 G82 D +G83 y < € exerted his control in preventing any disorders from € taking place for the next ten days. His success can be € measured by the actions of the selectmen. Two days after € the riot they discharged ten watchmen because "the quiet € of the Town seems now ÄYÄeÄaÄrÄ Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä0, p. 696; Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, € 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:140-141, HHL: Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, € 3:87; Bernard to Richard Jackson, August 24, 1765, MS € Sparks 4, 4:19, HHL. € µ62´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, G84 84 € € µ65´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 17, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:143, HHL; Hutchinson to Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, € 26:145b, MA. € µ66´Cunningham, ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ to be restored."µ1´ € Governor Bernard, however, did not feel so confident. € After issuing a proclamation for "discovering, appre½- € hending and bringing to Justice all and every of the € Persons concerned in the unlawful Assembly" he resolved to ; Hutchinson to Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, € 26:145a, MA; Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 14, 1765, MHS; € Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:176; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August 19, 1765; € Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄnÄ ÄRÄoÄwÄe, pp. € 139, 172, 191, 205, 248, 316; Butterfield, ed.,) ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1961), 1:341-342. € µ67´Hutchinson to August 16, 1765, 26:145b, MA. € live at Castle William, as it was "the only Place of Safety € I have." From this fortress Bernard began preparations € for the arrival of the stamps. To this end he instructed . € 169; Hutchinson to Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, 26:145a, MA. G83 83 € € It is ironic that Oliver's house, which had been the sole € survivor on Fort Hill of the Great Fire of March 20, 1760 € should succumb to the brutality of the Boston mob. € Brayley, ÄBÄo0G84 Ñ 2H85 µ 2H86 Ó ×H87 í IH88 ( OH89 W H85ÀCHAPTER IV CHAPTER IV AUGUST 26, 1765 € One of the most remarkable things about the riot of € August 14 is the fact that the town of Boston almost imme½- € diately returned to a state oÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt, p. 61. € µ60´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:140, HHL; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:87; Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, € 1:176; Hutchinson to Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, 26:145a, MA. € 0H90 ^H91 H92 lH93 sH94 ( zH95 Õ f quietude. This may have € been due to the townspeople's overwhelming success in € forcing Andrew Oliver to decline the office of Stamp € Distributor prior to officially receiving the commission. € Ebenezer Mackintosh, having led his men in violence, nowDrake € also list a McIntosh as having taken part in the crowd € action that night.µ75´ However, the omission of the given € name has led some authors to assume that it was Peter € McIntosh, a fifteen year old blacksmith's apprentice.µ76´ J161 161 € € 18,000. By about 9:00 P.M. the work was completed and the € participants marched back to town.µ71´ € Various attempts have been made by historians to € determine the members of t€ controversy were also revived. So, too, were Hutchinson's € questionable actions during the election of the colony's € agent and in his taking the edge off the 1764 petition to € Parliament. In addition to these events, the gradual H87 87 € € unsuccessful with the Sheriff, they convinced his deputies € in Boston of the impending danger and these subordinates € applied to resign.µ3´ In conjunction with these activities € the he Boston Tea Party. Samuel € Adams most certainly was one of the major figures in the € affair.µ72´ Molineux was not present at the meeting in the € Old South and it has been suggested that he may have € actually directed the proceedings at Griffin's € H88 88 € € accumulation of public offices by Hutchinson, his brother- € in-law Andrew Oliver, and their families, were rehashed by € the popular party of Boston.µ5´ John Adams may have best € summÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe, asserted that it no longer served as € a Court Paper, and in order to lend credence to this € conversion, it modified the former account of the 14th, € stating that the "concourse consisted of some of the € highest Reputation"wharf.µ73´ The records reveal that a total of 123 men took € part in the event, of whom fourteen are known to have come € from other towns. Out of the remaining 109, thirty-four € were identified in the tax list for 1771 while sixteen € were not listed. 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:141-142, HHL; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:88; Bernard to € Richard Jackson, August 24, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:18, HHl; € ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August 19, 1765. € µ63´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 15, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, who were "inspired with a Spirit of € Patriotism" and "a sense of Liberty, and all on the wing € for Freedom."µ4´ € In such an atmosphere as this, it is not surprising € that old animosities and jealousies began to re-emerge. € Much of this animus w Those men identified represent a wide € range of economic groups within Bostonian society. One € third were propertyless, one third can be termed small € property owners, one sixth had up to ·V¶ 100 and the € remaining sixth owned more than ·V¶ 100.µ74´ 4:141-142, HHL; Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:176; Hutchinson to € Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä Ä , August 16, 1765, 26:145b; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, € 3:88-89; August 16, 1765, Letters from Rev. Samuel Mather € to his son, MHS; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, August 19, 1765as now directed at Thomas Hutchinson. € Past events in which Hutchinson played a part were revived € and thrashed out once again. Among those issues which € were "brought up again, & became as fresh as if it had € been a Business of Yesterday," was the sp € Speculation regarding Ebenezer Mackintosh's par½- € ticipation has been varied. In 1835, Benjamin B. Thatcher € in ÄTÄrÄaÄiÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄTÄeÄaÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄtÄy, noted that a McIntosh was one € of the party. Both Benson J. Lossing and Samuel A. . € µ 64´Bernard to Lord Halifax, August 17, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:142; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 102. ecie controversy € of 1748. At that time Hutchinson had helped to establish € a hard money policy, to the dismay of the colony's debtors. € His appointment to the chief justiceship and his line of € conduct in that capacity during the writs of assistance to excite suspicions among the Vulgar, that all these Gentlemen were in a Combination, to favour the Measures of the Ministry, at least to pre½- vent any Thing from being done here to discourage the Minister . . . imit ttempting to disperse the crowd on the € night of August 14, provided additional support to the € charge that he was a friend of the Stamp Act and a traitor € to colonial rights. € In conjunction with and as a consequence of € Hutchinson's and other c?µ6´ Indeed, new evidence of Hutchinson's support of € ministerial policies and measures considered detrimental € to the colony, became increasingly evident. Several € months prior to August 1765, a number of depositions € regarding illicit trade had bH90 90 € € the powers of the customs officials, the courts led by the € Chief Justice would undoubtedly uphold the actions of the € customs officers. It soon became abundantly clear that € Hutchinrown officials' previous actions, € a growing sense of concern regarding the Stamp Act and its € execution within the province began to emerge. The € insurrection of the 14th proved successful in persuading € Stamp Distributor Oliver to resign his post. een made by order of the € Governor. In one case, a statement made by the Deputy € Judge of the Admiralty Court, Hutchinson attested to it at € the request of the Governor. Later these depositions were € examined by a Boston merchant, Briggs Hallowell, tson and the customs officers would have to be € reckoned with if the execution of the Stamp Act was to be € prevented. To this end the Loyal Nine called on Captain € Mackintosh once again. € Indications of an impending riot began to manifest € themseBostonians € believed that they had effectively prevented the Stamp Act € from taking effect by eliminating the man appointed to € distribute the stamps. Yet since Oliver's resignation, € the problem of how trade could be carried on after € November 1, wihen in € London. When he returned to Boston, he revealed what € he had seen. According to Hallowell, they cited John € Rowe, Solomon Davy and other merchants as illicit traders. € The effect of this news upon the merchant community was € to feed an alreaed up the apprehensiveness of these men when he wrote; € ‰Has not his Honour the Lieutenant Governor discovered [ÄiÄ.ÄeÄ. revealed] to the People in innumerable Instances, a very ambitious and avaricious Diposition? thout stamped papers, became increasingly € apparent. If the customs officials complied with the act € (which as royal officers they were legally bound to do), € and issued stamped papers for all departing vessels, the € act would therefore be in effect. dy growing resentment and disaffection Has he not grasped four of the most important offices in the Province into his own Hands? Has not his Brother in Law Oliver another of the greatest Places in Government? . . . Was not all this . . . enough The colonial assemblies € proved helpless in this situation, for the customs appara½- € tus remained outside their jurisdiction.µ8´ Past experience € with the writs of assistance had shown that if the € assembly or the merchants themselves attempted to lH89 89 € towards the customs officials, admiralty officers and those who supported them.µ7´ Hutchinson's actions in € ordering the effigies cut down, alerting the Colonel of € the Militia, and aH92 92 € € inserted a confession made by one of the rioters "that he € was excited to the riot by this sermon, and that he € thought he was doing God service."µ10´ € Towards evening on Augustr three hours they € endeavored to pull down the cupola and then uncovered a € considerable part of the roof. But for the approaching € sunrise, it seems certain that the mob would have con½- € tinued in their destruction till the house was levelled to € ." € Interestingly, these seamen first learned of the intended € activities two days prior to the actual events. On € Sunday, an unusual day to convene, the Boston selectmen € assembled and resolved to call a town meeting for the € following day; but when 26, 1765, a few boys € started a bonfire in front of the Town House on King € Street. This according to Governor Bernard was the usual € sign for the raising of a mob. One of the Firewards, € unaware of the activities planned for that night, € attemptedthe ground. Nevertheless, when Captain Mackintosh called € his men away, they left behind an estimated ·V¶ 2500 to € ·V¶ 3000 worth of damage. € Governor Bernard, still lodging at Castle William, € did not learn of the mob's activities until the foll Monday arrived, they cancelled the € meeting. These rumors of intended crowd action spread so € quickly that William Story, in an attempt to divert the € crowd's ardor, published a statement in the August 26, € 1765 edition of the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄ to extinguish or reduce the size of the bonfire. € At this point some unknown person "whispered" to him that € it would be dangerous to persist in his endeavour. When € he did not heed the warning, the Fireward "received a blow € and such tokens of insulowing € morning. Immediately upon receiving the news he summoned € a Council for the early afternoon. Before the Council € met, Bostonians assembled in Faneuil Hall for a town € meeting. There by a unanimous vote they declared their € "abhorrence" and "tÄtÄe. In this deposition he t and outrage" that he immediately € ceased his efforts and departed. At dusk, Joshua Henshaw, € while sitting in his front room, began to notice a number € of people "in gangs" going past. These people assembled € at the bonfire where the cry of "Libertdetestation" of the riot. The selectmen € and magistrates were directed to seek ways in which to € suppress such riots from occurring in the future. Finally, € the cadet company, the militia and the artillery company € were ordered to keep night watches H96 96 € € manuscripts. Hutchinson had been collecting these docu½- € ments for approximately thirty years for his history of € the colony and to preserve them for the future.µ20´ € Not contlves the weekend beginning with Saturday, August € 24. On that day, a friend of Ebenezer Parkman, the € minister of Westborough, wrote a letter informing him that € "Governor Bernard, Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, and Mr. € Story, the Debuty [ÄsÄiÄc]. within the town.µ21´ ent with merely destroying Hutchinson's € possessions, the crowd soon attacked the house itself. In € two hours they had torn off the wainscot and hangings and € beat in the doors and the partition walls. From there, € they proceeded to the roof where foRegister of the Admiralty Court € would be attacked." Ebenezer Simpson and others, while € talking with a party of seamen then in Boston, were also € informed that on the 26th a mob would rise, which € "Intended to pull down the Lieutenant Governors House there to meet them. He assured € them that Paxton had left the house earlier with his most € valuable effects. Then the owner convinced the populace € that he had never injured them. To show his good faith € he invited them to the tavern to drink a barshall of the Court € of Admiralty and Surveyor of the Port. Paxton's unpopu½- € larity appears to have resulted from a variety of factors. € The Admiralty Courts had long been a source of discontent € among the colonists as they operated without juries annumber of people already commencing the € destruction.µ15´ Again the people broke all the windows, € damaged or destroyed furniture, including "some very € curious carv'd Work," and took all his clothes, papers and € about ·V¶ 30 sterling. In the midst orel of punch. € The offer was accepted and the house was saved.µ13´ € Fortified with drink, Mackintosh's mob headed towards € the north side of the Court House and the residence of Mr. € William Story, Registrar of the Court of Vice Admiralty. € In td f their work, the € crowd refreshed themselves with liquors and "a great Deal € of Wine" found within the house.µ16´ Ebenezer Mackintosh's actions up to this point are € unknown. Undoubtedly he was present, but whether he € actually participated inhe past, cases involving navigation and trade laws € were tried in this court, much to the dismay of commercial € Boston. Now the Stamp Act as well was brought under the € jurisdiction of this court. Story had attempted to ward € off an attack with a pubH93 93 € € were used to enforce the navigation and trade laws. € Paxton, as Marshal of the Court of Admiralty and a native € of Massachusetts, was therefore seen as having betrayed his € countrymen the attack on Story's or € Hallowell's residence is not known. Nevertheless soon € after completion of the destruction in Hanover Street, € Mackintosh united the two crowds and proceeded to lead € them to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson's mansion.µ17´ € lic document published in that . In addition to these posts, Paxton aspired to € a place on the Massachusetts Council. The Council at this € time was elected by the House of Representatives, but € Paxton, seeking to avoid complications, sought a royal € appointment. To this end, he s Thomas Hutchinson had just that morning brought his € family from their country home in Milton back to Boston. € After their arrival, Hutchinson was informed that there € would be a mob that night. His friends assured Hutchinson € though that he woulH94 94 € € day's ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe, but to no avail. When the crowds € struck, they broke his windows, destroyed much of his fur½- € niture and removed all the books, papers and recordsuggested to Charles € Townshend, British Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the € provincial charter be changed so that the Council be € appointed rather than elected.µ12´ € When the crowd reached Paxton's lodgings, they found € the owner of the housey and Property" was € soon heard.µ11´ € Once darkness had settled upon the town, the crowd € began to move. Proceeding down King Street, they headed € for Tilley's Alley (later Hutchinson, now Pearl Street), € and the lodgings of Charles Paxton, Mar of € the Admiralty Court, including his private papers. These € documents they committed to the bonfire near the court € house.µ14´ From there the mob went to Mr. Benjamin € Hallowell, comptroller of the customs, in Hanover Street. € There they found a d not be attacked for "the rabble were to be payable in one € month's time.µ39´ Mackintosh failed to abide by its terms, € however, forcing Lauchlen to bring suit against him on May € 20, 1767. The case came before the Inferior Court of € Common Pleas on October 6, 1767 but no action against fences, etc. Jewels, clothes, books, € papers, linen, plate and from ·V¶ 900 to ·V¶ 1000 sterling € were carried away. Among the papers taken or destroyed € were many of the colony's most valuable records and H95 95 € € satisfied with the insult I had received [on August 15, € 1765] and that I had become rather popular." Hutchinson € was also confident that his disapproval of the Stamp Act, € revealed € Mackintosh was taken. Then on April 7, 1767, Lauchlen € again brought charges against Mackintosh for his continued € nonpayment. Accordingly another writ and summons was € issued. Yet it is not till January 22, 1768 that the case J149 149 € € that he participated in the public rejoicing and General € Thanksgiving on July 21, 1766 for repeal of the Stamp € Act.µ36´ € It was during this time that Ebenezer Mackintosh mustin his letters to England, in a treatise sent to € Richard Jackson on July 1764 and in common conversation, € would protect him from the mob's wrath.µ18´ However this € was not to be. € It was during supper that Hutchinson first learned of € the mob' within the town.µ21´ € have met and wooed Elizabeth Maverick, for on August 7, € 1766, (a little less than a year after the attack on € Hutchinson's house), they were married.µ37´ Marriage for € Mackintosh became an additional incentive for retiring € from political protest.s coming.µ19´ Immediately, he sent his family out € of the house to shelter while he prepared to stay and € confront the crowd. Then Sarah, Hutchinson's eldest € daughter returned and determined not to leave without him. € They both escaped to a neighborH97 97 € € Meanwhile, the 27th had been appointed as the first € day of the August term of the Superior Court. Hutchinson, € as Chief Justice, felt obligated to appear in order to € produce a Possibly he may have been per½- € suaded to do so by his new bride and the subsequent birth € of his two children.µ38´ € Mackintosh seems to have been a poor business man. € During the period from 1766 to 1773 he faced a series of € court cases, th's house, none too soon, € for minutes later the "hellish crew" axed their way € through the door and immediately began a search for the € Lieutenant Governor. This news was secretly relayed to € Hutchinson, causing him to "retire thro yards and gardens € quorum. As much of his wearing apparel had been € carried off during the riot, Hutchinson borrowed enough € clothing from friends in order to appear decently dressed. € Josiah Quincy Jr., a young Lawyer, was present in the € courtroom. According to Quine majority of which involved him as a pri½- € vate individual. The first such case had its origins on € September 25, 1766 when Mackintosh gave Samuel Lauchlen, a € Roxbury tanner, a promissory note written in his own hand € for four pounds. This sum was to a house more remote." He was to remain there till four € o'clock the following morning. During that time the mob € set upon Hutchinson's house "with the rage of devils," € breaking windows, destroying the furniture, tearing down € walls, fruit trees,it Request for Forces." Nonetheless Bernard sent € Gage copies of the proclamation and the Council resolu½- € tions and advised him of the situation within the town. € The Governor was successful, though, in attaining the € Council's agreement for raisingelated to the court his € sentiments, Hutchinson departed for the Council meeting. € cy, the Chief Justice, with € tears in his eyes, apologized for his appearance and € addressed the Court thus; € ‰Sensible that I am innocent, that all the Charges against me are false . . . yet I call God to witness, . . . th an additional company of € men in order to strengthen the Castle in preparation for € the arrival of the stamped papers.µ23´ € During the Council meeting it became apparent that € Ebenezer Mackintosh had been active in the riot, par½- € ticularly inH98 98 At the Council, Hutchinson related the events of the € previous evening in which, "a number of ritous [ÄsÄiÄcÄ.] and € tumultous people. . . totally destroyed his house and € all he at I never, in New England or Old, in Great Britain or America, neither directly nor indirectly, was aiding, assisting or supporting, or in the least pro½- moting or encouraging what is commonly called the the destruction of Hutchinson's home. had therein." The Council therefore advised € Governor Bernard to issue a proclamation promising ·V¶ 300 € reward for revealing the leader or leaders and ·V¶ 100 for € any others involved. Bernard was also advised to appoint € carpenters, masons and otheStamp Act; but, on the contrary, did all in my Power, and strove as much as in me lay, to prevent it, . . . but, if guilty, this is not the Way to proceed the Laws of our Country are open to punish those who have offH99 99 € € Warrants were therefore issued by Bernard to Sheriff € Greenleaf for apprehending Mackintosh by name and several € others. Greenleaf found Mackintosh in King street. When € the Sheriffr tradesmen to view the € buildings attacked on August 14 and 26, in order to esti½- € mate the damage sustained by each. In an effort to pre½- € vent further outbursts by the mob, the Council ordered out € a military guard. Bernard however, feeling thatended. This destroying all Peace and Order of the Community all evil will feel its Effects. And I hope all will see how easily the People may be deluded, inflamed and carried away with Madness against an attempted to arrest him, Nathaniel Coffin, € several merchants, and "other persons of property and € character" confronted the Sheriff. They informed him that € unless Mackintosh was freed, not a single man would appear € in arms as a guard against furth he had € "not the least authority to oppose or quiet the Mob," € wished to call in the King's troops or at the very least € inform General Gage and Lord Colville of what had occurred. € The Council did not concur, believing that it "would amount to a tacinnocent Man. I pray God give us better hearts!µ22´ Following this, Hutchinson adjourned the court. The effect of this speech, if we may believe Quincy, was € astounding, exciting compassion and sympathy among the € audience. Having thus rer riots the next night, € as agreed in the town meeting. At this, Sheriff Greenleaf € released Mackintosh and returned to the Council to give a € report. While relating this incident the Lieutenant € Governor inquired, "And did you discharge him?" To wH100 100 € € a preconcerted plan. Yet the fact that some of the prin½- € cipal gentlemen of Boston were willing to protect € Mackintosh from arrest would suggest that he held con½- € siderable staned before € the court. Ironically their presence was not related to € the August riots but rather for their participation in the € Pope's Day Affair nearly a year earlier. Apparently € influenced by recent events, Mackintosh and Wheeler gave € ·V¶ 50 surH101 101 € € a few months, returning after it appeared that "there was € no authority, which considered it advisable to make any € inquiry after them."µ26´ € Not all of those arrested for the ding among the inhabitants. Moreover, this € incident is also indicative of the involvement of a cross € section of Boston's society. Certain members of the upper € class were actively protecting the leader of the rabble € and may have also taken an actihich € Greenleaf replied "Yes." "Then you have not done your € duty" commented Hutchinson and nothing further was said € regarding the affair.µ24´ € The attempt to arrest Ebenezer Mackintosh is signifi- € cant, for it sheds a bit more light on his priots were freed in € the escape, however. A list of prisoners made on October € 15 shows that Christopher Barrett, Samuel Taylor and € Stephen Greeley were charged with being Concerned in € an Extraordinary Riot in the ‰Evening of the 26th dayve part in the riot € itself.µ25´ € Six or eight people were arrested, examined, and € imprisoned for participating in the riot of August 26. € These men, according to Hutchinson were "generally con½- € sidered as capital offenders." Their trial had osition and € role within the radical hierarchy. Hutchinson believed € that Mackintosh's arrest had been obstructed because € Mackintosh "could discover who employed him; whereas the € other persons apprehended were such as had collected € together withou of August last & breaking open & entering the Dwelling house of the Honorable Thomas Hutchinson Esqr. & taking, stealing & Carrying away from there great Sums of his money & great quantitys of his Goods etc. One Pbeen sche½- € duled for the next session of the Superior Court to begin € on October 15. Late in the evening of October 1, however, € a number of people forced the prison keeper to give them € his keys. With these they entered the prison and freed € manyt knowing of any previous plan." Apparently € the Chief Justice considered Mackintosh to have been used € by persons unknown as a means or an agent for raising and € directing a mob. This suggests that Mackintosh was not € leading the men on his own initiatrick Murray is also listed on the jail return as € being charged with entering Benjamin Hallowell's house € "with an intent to Steal some of the Goods therein." Soon € after, all four men were discharged as the Grand Jury € could not find a bill against of the prisoners, three of whom had been arrested for € the August riots. This action, commonly known as a rescue € riot, proceeded "without any tumult." Sheriff Greenleaf € reported the escape to the Council the following day. On € October 3, the Counative but rather following them. It seems reasonable € to presume that the court, for unknown reasons, was unable € to prosecute these men. It is also interesting to note € that on October 26, the last day of the court's sitting, € Ebenezer Mackintosh and Benjamin Wheeler appearcil determined "that the prisoners were € privately assisted by some of their friends without, and € that they accomplished their purpose thro "the weakness of € the Goal [ÄsÄiÄc.]." The escaped prisoners disappeared for H104 104 € € µ8´BG, August 26, 1765; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. € 158. € µ9´Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, August 30, 1765, € 26:146-147, MA; Statement made by Ebenezer SaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:128- € 129. € µ4´BG, August 26, l765. € µ5´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:149, HHL; Bernard to the Board of Trade, November 30, € 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:176-177, HHL; Edmund S. Morgan, € "Thomas Hutcnt, & I had not the least authority to oppose or € quiet the Mob." Yet these riots were committed a full two € months prior to November 1, the date on which the Stamp € Act would go into effect. What would happen then? € Bernard had repeatedly been assurimpson to the € Selectmen, August 29, 1766, Uncatalogued Town Papers, € 7:100 (1765-1766), Rare Book Room, BPL; Anonymous € Statements, Uncatalogued Town Papers, 7:24a, 25a (1765- € 1766); Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:150, HHL; Cobhinson and the Stamp Act," NEQ 21:468 (1948); € Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:260-261; € Hutchinson to Henry Conway, October 1, 1765, 26:155-156, € MA. For a more detailed account of Hutchinson's past € actions and thed ‰that this Town & Country about it (how far deep I can't say) are as resolute as ever to oppose the Execution of the Stamp Act & to suffer the utmost Extremities rather than submit to it.µ28´ The consequenety each for their appearance at the March term in e animosities which arose see Chapter II. € µ6´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, € 1:260-261; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 31. € µ7´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, l765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:149-150, HHL; Pces of such a spirit throughout the town were € frightening for the Massachusetts civil government. 0H96 eH97 V ŽH98 ( –H99 H100 ß ¤H101 4 ª eter O. Hutchinson, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄs € ÄoÄfÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄ ÄEÄxÄcÄeÄlÄlÄeÄnÄcÄyÄ ÄTÄhÄoÄmÄaÄsÄ ÄHÄuÄtÄcÄhÄiÄnÄsÄoÄnÄ,Ä ÄEÄsÄq. (London, 1884- € 1886, reprint edition New York: Burt Franklin, 1971), € 1:67; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:H103 103 € € µ1´BG, August 19, 1765; BEP, August 19, 1765; BNL, € August 22, 1765; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 103. € µ 2´BG, September 2, 1765; Bernard to Thomas Pownall, € AugusH102 102 € € 1766. At that time, both men were discharged with no € action taken against them.µ27´ € Unable to arrest Ebenezer Mackintosh, the € acknowledged leader of the mob, nor able to pr89-90. t 19, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:11, HHL; Bernard to € Halifax, August 22, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:144-145, HHL; € Massachusetts Council Records, 16:36, MA. € µ3´Bernard to Halifax, August 22, l765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:146-147, HHL; Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄosecute € those who were arrested, the civil officials increasingly € lamented their loss of authority. Governor Bernard when € referring to the August 26 riot, noted that "the Mob was € so general & so supported, that all civil power ceased in € an instaDiary of Mr. Quincy," MHSP, 4:47-48 (1858), and Joshua € Henshaw ("Account of the Stamp Act Riot, 1765," NEHGR € 32:268-269 (1878), the crowd had divided with one group € attacking Story's house while another group proceeded to € Hallowell's house. Althou€ Brayley, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt. p. 73; Boyle, "Boyle's € Journal," p. 169; Joshua Henshaw, "Account of the Stamp € Act Riot, 1765," NEHGR 32:268 (1878). € µ12´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:150, HHL; Cob1I108 ÑI114 ÒI120 PI126 vI132 ÌJ138 ÍJ144 ÏJ150 ÐJ156 õJ162 gh most sources do not cooro½- € borate this information, the short amount of time in which € Paxton, Story and Hallowell were attacked lends credibi½- € lity to these sources. € µ16´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:151, HHL; Hensbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:129; Lossing, ÄPÄiÄcÄtÄoÄrÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄFÄiÄeÄlÄdÄ ÄBÄoÄoÄk, p. 467; Drake, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄnÄtÄiÄqÄuÄiÄtÄiÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn, p. 699; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. € 104, 157. 0J144 Ó ÊJ145 P ·J146 ˆ ÝJ147 ý ÄJ148 é åJ149 í ‡ haw, "Account of the Stamp Act Riot," p. € 269; Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 28, 1765, MHS. € µ17´Lawrence H. Gipson, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄoÄmÄiÄnÄgÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, € Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä3Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä5 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954), p. 94; € HutH105 105 € € µ13´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:150, HHL; Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:129; € Lossing, ÄPÄiÄcÄtÄoÄrÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄFÄiÄeÄlÄdÄ ÄBÄoÄoÄkbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:129; BG, € August 26, 1765; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 104; Zobel, € ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 33; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 166 € and ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 108; Snochinson, ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄs, 1:70-71; Peter Oliver, The , p. 467. € µ14´Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:129, Drake, € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄnÄtÄiÄqÄuÄiÄtÄiÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn, p. 699; Henshaw, € "Account of the Stamp Act Riot," p. 269; Freeman, € ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 2w, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn, p. 260. € µ10´Benson J. Lossing, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄiÄcÄtÄoÄrÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄFÄiÄeÄlÄdÄ ÄBÄoÄoÄkÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, € 1860), p. 467; Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄ0I132 ã ^I133 l }I134 # œJ135 š J136 ç J137 ý Q 8, 1765, MHS; Bernard to Halifax, August € 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:150-151, HHL. € µ15´The sources vary regarding the crowd's movement in € attacking William Story and Benjamin Hallowell's € residences. According to Josiah Quincy ("Extract of the € nÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. € 60; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 32; Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, p. 38. € µ 11´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:150, HHL; Cobbett,Ä ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:129; 0J138 £J139 ¿ –J140 + _J141 ï jJ142 °J143 ã w 0I114 ó wI115 à ïI116 Õ I117 ö I118 î ýI119 ò ! , 1765; Bernard € to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:153-154, HHL; € Bernard to General Gage, August 27, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:62, HHL; Bernard to Gage, August 29, 1765, Channing and € Coolidge, ed., ÄBÄaÄrÄrÄiÄnÄgÄtÄoÄnÄ-ÄBÄeÄrÄnÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄr New Plymouth Company € along the Kennebec River in Maine, Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:180. € µ21´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:90-91; Bernard to Halifax, € August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:152-153, HHL; Henshaw, € "Account of the Stamp Act Riot," p. 269H106 106 € € Origin and Progress of the American Rebellion to the Year € 1776 in a Letter to a Friend, Gay Transcripts, p. 54, MHS. € µ18´Hutchinson to Jackson, August 30, 1765, 26:146-147, € MÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄe, pp. 229- € 230. € µ 24´Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, 1:71-72; Hutchinson, € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:91. € µ25´Hutchinson, ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄs, 1:71-72; Robert E. € Brown, ÄMÄiÄdÄdÄlÄeÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄsÄsÄ ÄDÄeÄmÄoÄcÄrÄaÄcÄy: BG, September 2, € 1765. A; Hutchinson to Pownall, August 31, 1765, 26:149, MA; € Morgan, ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, pp. 108-109; Henshaw, "Account of the € Stamp Act Riot," p. 269; Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, p. 172. € Excellent accounts of Hutchinson's disapproval of the € Stamp Act may be fÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ ÄiÄn € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ,Ä Ä1Ä6Ä9Ä1Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä8Ä0 (New York: Russell & Russell, € 1955), p. 215; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:90; Hutchinson to € Conway, October 1, 1765, 26:155-156, MA. € µ 26´Hutchinson,0H102 e ²H103 ·H104 þ ¾H105 I ÅH106 ÓH107 ) Ü ound in Morgan, "Thomas Hutchinson and € the Stamp Act," NEQ 21:459-492 (1948), and Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, € pp. 62-64. € µ19´This and the following paragraph are based on; € Hutchinson to Jackson, August 30, 1765, 26:146-147, MA; € Bernard to Halifax,0J150 ñJ151 øJ152 D ÐJ153 J154 ã J155 „ 1G72 G78 9G84 7H90 8H96 ±H102 Ú August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:151- € 152, HHL; Hutchinson ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:90; Hutchinson, ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄs, 1:69; Quincy, "Extract," p. 48; Freeman, € ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 28, 1765, MHS; Henshaw, "Account of the € Stamp Act Riot0I108 ŠI109 ü I110 ö éI111 $I112 æ \I113 € • H107 107 € € µ 22´Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, pp. 170-173; Quincy, "Extract," € pp. 49-50. € µ23´Massachusetts Council Records, 16:37-40, MA; € Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:91; BG, September 2," p. 269; BG, September 2, 1765; Cobbett, € ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:130-131. € µ 20´There is some evidence whisch suggests that the mob € had been directed to destroy certain papers related to € land titles from the grant to thee € 26th was judged as originating from "very different € Motives" and the "unbridled Licentiousness of the Mob."µ9´ € Bernard had even heard it rumored "that if a Line is not € drawn between the first Riot & the Last, the civil Power € will not be suppordirected € against each other but rather towards British encroach½- € ments of colonial rights. Yet, most importantly, the Sons € of Liberty succeeded not only in preventing the implemen½- € tation of the Stamp Act but also in forcing the province € to cost 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:155, HHL. ted by the Principal people of the Town, € as it is assured it shall be now."µ10´ This distinction € enabled the Sons of Liberty to justify the use of crowd € action in protesting the hated Stamp Act while condemning € the excesses of the crowd on August ntinue operating in defiance of the act. Consequently € as 1765 drew to a close and 1766 began, the Sons of € Liberty settled down to wait for news of England's reac½- € tions and hopefully the repeal of the hated Stamp Act. I128 128 € € honorable retreat. To this end, he requested that Bernard € appoint his brother Foster in his place for a year.µ64´ € Significantly, following Foster Hutchinson's appointment € the co26.µ11´ € The next step which the Sons of Liberty undertook was € designed to prevent such crowd excesses in the future. € The Sons of Liberty could not afford to disband the Boston € crowd at such a critical juncture. In fact, until the I110 110 The popular leaders, too, were alarmed by the turn matters had taken and acted to curb the mob. Now assured € that the riots had sufficiently deterred any open support € of the Staurts began to submit and open. On Monday January € 13, 1766, the Inferior Court of Common Pleas began its € session without stamps and in March the Superior Court € timidly considered two cases.µ65´ € The Sons of Liberty had accomplished a rather asI115 115 € anxiety and concern among his compatriots due to his deli½- € cate mental state.µ25´ In addition, Otis's publications of € 1765, "A Vindication of the British Colonies" and "Brief € Remmp Act, the Sons of Liberty began a campaign € which sought to justify their actions and prevent the € crowd from acting on its own initiative in the future. € The first step consisted of making a distinction between € the two riots. The action taken agaiton- € ishing amount in their resistance to the Stamp Act. € Through Ebenezer Mackintosh, they shaped the Boston mob € into an extremely valuable and viable political weapon. € With it the Sons of Liberty intimidated crown officials to € the point where al ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:91; Bernard to Halifax, € August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:155, HHL; Massachusetts € Council Records, 16:50-54, MA; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, October 7, € l765; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, pp. 37, 40. € µ 27´Probate Recornst Andrew Oliver on € August 14th became the focus of approbation,µ7´ "as a € necessary Declaration of their Resolution not to submit to € the Stamp Act" and "justified by the consequences the € frightning [ÄsÄiÄc.] him into a Resignation."µ8´ That of thl civil authority ceased and Andrew € Oliver had been forced to resign his commission as Stamp € Distributor on two separate occasions. The rival North € and South End gangs were united and placed under € Mackintosh's direction, their animosity no longer ds, #100480, 572:145, #100599, 574:93, € SCF; Minute Books of the Superior Court of Judicature, € 81:17, 24, SCCH; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, pp. 37, 40. € µ28´Bernard to Gage, August 27, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:62, Bernard to Halifax, AuguI120 120 € € the crowd proceeded to give a round of huzzas. From there € they marched to the North End, then returned by way of € Middle Street back through the town and onward to the € gallows on by accepting the opinions advanced € by British officials. Consequently, Otis began to € withdraw from the frontline of the opposition. His elec½- € tion as a Massachusetts delegate to the Stamp Act Congress € in June 1765 marked the final acknowledgmentIn addition the captains and their Boston Neck. At this point the effigies were € once again hung up for a period of time. Finally in a € symbolic gesture the multitude took down the images and € tore them into pieces and cast them into the wind. This € gave rise to a series of cheers be of Otis's € position in the popular leadership.µ26´ € Significantly, the decline of Otis coincided with € the rise of Samuel Adams. Having participated primarily € behind the scenes in manipulating political opposition € since 1764, Adams began to I118 118 € € it appears that an important shift in the pattern of pro½- € test employed by the patriots was under way. € The first of November 1765 began with a blast of a € counch shell and thfore the crowd quietly € dispersed to their respective homes. The remainder of the € evening passed in an uncommon degree of peace and quiet.µ41´ € The Council, meeting on November 4th, was visibly € impressed with Mackintosh's control over his folltake on a more conspicuous role € within the political arena. The death of Oxenbridge € Thacher on July 9 had created a vacancy among the Boston € delegates to the Massachusetts House of Representatives.µ27´ € This vacancy provided Adams with an opening e tolling of bells in funeral € progression.µ36´ Minute guns were fired and the flags of € the ships in Boston Harbor flew at half mast in mourning. € Many shops and establishments did little or no business € while others did not even open. Liberty Tree owers on € the first and in maintaining the peace since that time. € They therefore advised Bernard to withdraw the orders for € raising the cadets and militia as "there is no reason to € apprehend any disturbances in the Town of Boston tomorrow € the 5th and he was € elected to the post on September 27, 1765 by the inhabi½- € tants of Boston.µ28´ Following this election, Adams and his € circle began to lay plans for November 1, the effective € date of the hated Stamp Act. once again € held effigies among its branches. One represented George € Grenville while the other was intended for John Huske, a € native of New Hampshire who had become a member of € Parliament and as such had recommended the passage of the € Stamp Act. of November." Bernard, possibly reflecting on the € outrages committed the previous Pope's Day celebration, € "not readily consented."µ42´ Meanwhile, the captains of the rival parties which € traditionally participated in the Pope's Day contest, € 0J156 J157 ò !J158 ÷ ¨J159 'J160 ¼ 5J161 ò C arks on the Defence of the Halifax Libel on the British- € American Colonies," had seriously damaged the author's € credibility as a leader of the colonists. Within these € works, Otis appeared to many as having comprised on the € issue of representation Captain Mackintosh of the South End and Captain Swift for € the North End, had met following the Stamp Act demonstra½- € tion on the first of November. At this meeting both sides € entered into a treaty which formally established a union € between them. These images remained suspended until approxi½- € mately two or three o'clock that afternoon.µ37´ At this time € Ebenezer Mackintosh, dressed in a uniform of blue and red € with a "gilt gorget" over his chest and a hat trimmed in € gold lace, began the aolo½- € nial protest. Increasingly the popular leaders turned to € other, more peaceful tactics. As colonial opposition € withdrew from the streets and direct crowd action, € Mackintosh's talents as a mob captain were no longer in € demand. Consequentlyalifax, € September 7, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:158-159, HHL; Morgan, € ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 169. € µ20´Bernard to Halifax, September 7, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:159, HHL. € µ21´Bernard to Gage, September 12, 1765, Channing and € Coolidfternoon's activities. Formerly € able to raise 150 to 300 well trained men for such € festivities, Captain Mackintosh now commanded between € 2,000 to 3,000 people. These men were marshalled into € regular ranks with four files of horse at the rear. To, Ebenezer Mackintosh began to recede € from overt political opposition. This decline in € Mackintosh's activity may be seen in the relative lack of € violent mob action and the rise of such forms of economic € pressure as nonimportation and nonconsumptioge, eds., ÄBÄaÄrÄrÄiÄnÄgÄtÄoÄnÄ-ÄBÄeÄrÄnÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄe, pp. € 136-137; Massachusetts Council Records, 16:47-48, MA; ÄBÄG € ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, September 16, 1765. € µ22´Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, August 28, 1765, MHS. € µ2 € maintain order and discipline Mackintosh carried a baton € cane in one hand and a speaking trumpet in the other. € Through this trumpet he gave orders to his "sergeants and € corporals." These men in turn were distinguished by laced n movements in € the ensuing years. € The months following Andrew Oliver's forced public € resignation at Liberty Tree were singularly quiet. Only 3´ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, September 16, 1765. € µ24´Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, September 23, 1765, MHS. I130 130 € € µ15´Bernard to Halifax, August 22, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:144-146, HHL; Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS € Sparks 4, 4:154, HHL. € µ16´Gage to Bernard, September 6, 1760J162 a AJ163 i HJ164 M OJ165 QJ166 \ XJ167 . .J168 fJ169 Q ¾J170 Ð sJ171 Š yJ172 r € J135 CHAPTER VI THE SONS OF LIBERTY TURN TO "ORDERED RESISTANCE" € Ebenezer Mackintosh's participation as a mob leader € within the Sons of Liberty hierarchy had proved to be an € important component in the5, Channing and € Coolidge, eds., ÄBÄaÄrÄrÄiÄnÄgÄtÄoÄnÄ-ÄBÄeÄrÄnÄaÄrÄdÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄe, pp. € 230-231. € µ17´Bernard to Halifax, August 22, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:145, HHL; Bernard to Lord Colville, August 17, 1765, MS € Sparks 4, 4:65, I116 116 € € Governor Bernard and his administration were also € anticipating that day. Two shipments of stamped papers € were already safely lodged at Castle William while both € Andrew Olive demonstrations against the € Stamp Act. Yet his success in intimidating crown € officials, the continued operation of the province without € stamps and the subsequent repeal of the Stamp Act obviated € the need for crowd action as an effective means of cHHL; Bernard to Halifax, September 7, € 1765, MS Sparks 4, 4:161, HHL. € µ18´Bernard to Colville, August 27, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:65, HHL; Bernard to Halifax, August 22, 1765, MS Sparks € 4, 4:146, HHL. € µ19´BG, September 9, 1765; Bernard to Hst the € use of violence. According to Adams, thieves, robbers, € rioters and liars were all members of the same class. € Rather than use violence, Adams recommended passive oppo½- € sition of British policies through nonimportation.µ35´ Thus I117 117 € € the crowd from his fellow townsmen of the South End. € During the attack on Oliver's building, members of the € North End joined in the activity. Significantly, this was € seen by a nur and Governor Bernard were denying that they € had they authority to distribute them.µ29´ Yet the threat € of the emergence of the mob on that day and four days € later on November 5, the annual Pope's Day or Gunpowder € Plot Anniversary, gave Bernard moJ136 136 on one occasion, February 20, 1766, did Bostonians € assemble again. February 20 had been designated for € burning stamps throughout the colonies. Bostonians € celebrated the day by hanmber of the participants as a union between € the two rival factions and declared as such at the time.µ32´ € Although they had cooperated previously, the rivalry had € not been overcome. Seizing upon this, the popular € leadership now attempted to confirre cause for concern than € the welfare of the stamps.µ30´ The memory of the Pope's Day € fracas of 1764 still lingered in many minds. To prevent € similar disorders, Bernard requested and received the una½- € nimous consent of the Council to establish aging an effigy of George € Grenville, Lord Bute and the Devil on Liberty Tree. A € mock trial, attended by two to three thousand people took € place with the defendant, a chained stamp, accused of sub½- € verting the British Constitution and alienating thm and firmly establish a € union between the North and South Ends of the Town. They € hoped to turn their attention away from fighting one € another and towards the prevention of the Stamp Act. € Sometime during the latter part of October 1765, € therefor military € watch from October 31 through the 6th of November. But € his plan went awry. The people refused to muster, and € others had threatened to disrupt the town unless the € orders were revoked. On October 31, therefore, he € dismissed the guard.µe affec½- € tions of the King's loyal American subjects. After the € defendant was found guilty, the effigies were taken down € and along with the chained stamp carried throughout the € streets and burned at the gallows.µ1´ These proceedings, € although e, two of the most prominent merchants of the € town (one of whom may have been John Hancock), entertained € the leaders of both parties at the Green Dragon Tavern. € There Mackintosh of the South End and Henry Swift of the € North End were prevailed upon 31´ € The popular leadership also feared the consequences € of an impetuous and excitable mob arising on November 1 € and 5. The excesses of August 26 had aptly demonstrated € the power of crowd action as a political weapon. The Sons € of Liberty tcarried out with remarkable decorum and order, € marked the end of an era of directed crowd action by the € Boston Sons of Liberty. Instead, the Sons of Liberty, led € by the Loyal Nine, embarked upon a new strategy which € stressed the active repression to unite their forces.µ34´ € In addition to these activities, the popular party € began to advocate non-violence through various Boston € newspapers. John Adams, in particular, over the pseudonym € of "Humphry Ploughjogger" took a strong stand againherefore endeavored to strengthen their € control over Ebenezer Mackintosh and his men. To € accomplish this, they recalled their experiences of August € 14. At that time, Mackintosh had raised the majority of of disorder and violence € while emphasizing methods of "ordered resistance."µ2´ € This shift in strategy was due to a variety of € reasons and developments which emerged in the fall and € winter of 1765 and 1766. Perhaps the most important event € € the people that "if a Whisper was heard among his € followers, the holding up his Finger hushed it in a € moment."µ39´ According to Governor Bernard, Ebenezer € Mackintosh had been employed on this occasion "with his € Corps to keep the Peace & prevent h was unusually € quiet and peaceful. Then at noon, effigies of the Pope, € Devil, and Stampmen were brought from both the North and € South Ends to the Court House in King Street where they € publicly established the Union and gave three huzzas in € asse this € affair for the tickets distinguished between five dif½- € ferent classes and separate rooms were provided for each € class. Held on November 11, at the Royal Exchange Tavern, € the Union Feast proved to be a resounding success for it € served to fmischief" and "that he € had been engaged so to do, as an assurance that no € mischief would be done."µ40´ Mackintosh, therefore, acted € as a restraining force on November 1. His ability to € control the townsmen was utilized during the demonstra½- € tiwhich called into question the appropriateness of crowd € action was the August 26, 1765 riot. As seen in Chapters € IV and V, this riot far exceeded both the wishes of the € popular leadership and Ebenezer Mackintosh's control. urther strengthen the union between these rival € gangs and their leaders.µ47´ € Meanwhile, all activity within the town requiring the € use of stamps after November 1 had ceased, except for the € newspapers which were published in defiance of the acons in an effort to suppress possible crowd violence. € His success may be seen in the actions of the crowd that € day. € The crowd, led by Mackintosh and Brattle, advanced to € the Court House while the Assembly was in session. There I119 119 € € hats and military wands held in their hands. Notably not € one member of this vast multitude carried a weapon.µ38´ € When the crowd had assembled, the effigies of € Grenville andt. € Boston merchants had shrewdly applied for clearances prior € to November 1, even though many of their vessels were not € due to sail until sometime after that date. No vessel € applied for clearances therefore from November 1 to € December 17, 1765.µI122 122 € € contribute money when the parade stopped at his door. € Later Bernard reflected that "many contributed from € affection, much more from fear." Evidently a substantial € number of Bosto Huske were cut down and placed in a cart € and the crowd began its procession through the town. At € its head, predictably marched Ebenezer Mackintosh accom½- € panied by Colonel William Brattle, a member of the € Council. Interestingly these two men wa48´ In early December, two hundred and n's inhabitants did contribute for the € collection exceeded "all expectation."µ45´ Mackintosh, now € often referred to as Generalµ46´ and Swift, with the pro½- € bable backing of the Loyal Nine and the mysterious rich € merchants who first reconciled thelked arm in arm € along the streets while Brattle complimented Ebenezer on € his control over the crowd and informed him that his "Post € was one of the highest in the Government." Indeed it is € reported that Captain Mackintosh exerted such control over I121 121 € € assistants "engaged upon their Honor no Mischiefs should € arise by their Means, and that they would prevent any € Disorders on the 5th."µ43´ € Accordingly the morning of the fiftse men, resolved to hold € a public entertainment or "Union Feast." To this affair € over two hundred people were invited, including three € Council members and other principal gentlemen of the town. € Consideration was duly given to deference and rank at0´ Only € the courts and the port of Boston remained closed. Yet € this situation suddenly faced a renewed threat. € On November 30, 1765 Andrew Oliver received his offi½- € cial commission as Stamp Distributor.µ51´ Although Oliver € had declared tLoyal Nine, he served € as a vital link between the common people of Boston and € the popular leadership of the Sons of Liberty. € Oliver's forced resignation on December 17 proved to € be a highly successful maneuver, for on that very after½- € noon I126 126 € serve this People, when it shall be in my Power." To € which three cheers were given once again. General € Mackintosh then dismissed the assembly with such good € order that Hanover Sqhat he had resigned August 14th, the arrival € of his commission caused many patriots to doubt whether € Oliver had indeed done so.µ52´ In an attempt to ascertain € Oliver's true intentions the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe sent an anony½- € mous letter rethe customs officials opened the custom house and uare was cleared in ten minutes.µ59´ € That night the Loyal Nine, including Henry Bass, € Samuel Adams, Edes and Gill, the printers of the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe, gathered together for a "very Genteel Supper." € In the course of the evening thnt. Following this the two factions exchanged ground € with Mackintosh and his Southenders marching north and € Swift with his Northenders marching south until they € reunited once again at the Court House. From there they € advanced to Liberty Tree wherI123 123 € € twenty Boston merchants also agreed not to import any € goods from Great Britain, except necessities for the € fisheries and manufactures, until the Stamp Act was € repealed.µ49´ € ese men drank several € toasts and discussed, no doubt, the activities of that € eventful day. According to Henry Bass, the Loyal Nine had € attempted to "do every thing in order to keep this and the € First Affair Private." The first affair probably refe the people rested before € proceeding to Copp's Hill. Arriving there before six € o'clock the multitude kindled a fire and committed the € pageantry to the flames. This accomplished, Mackintosh € and Swift requested that everyone return to their homes. A movement had also begun which endeavored to proceed € with business without using stamped papers. The popular € party had reasoned that the stamps were unavailable for € public use as they were secured in Castle William. € Furthermore, even if these serred € to the crowd action of August 14 against Andrew Oliver. € In any case they were "not a little pleas'd to hear that € McIntosh has the credit of the whole Affair."µ60´ It appears therefore that Mackintosh was functioning as the € Loyal Nine's agen € The remainder of the night passed away without any disor½- € ders occurring. Significantly, both Governor Bernard and € Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson acknowledged the € "peaceable, orderly behavior" of the people and the € remarkable tranquillity folltamped papers were removed € from the garison, there was no one legally qualified to € distribute them. By the end of November this movement had € made such progress that John Boyle noted that "Business € goes on as usual, without making use of Stamps."µ5t in executing those actions of Boston's € crowd deemed necessary. The Loyal Nine remained in the € background throughout this period, confident of their hold € over Mackintosh and his control of the people. Although € Mackintosh was not a member of the owing the celebration.µ44´ € During the course of the Pope's Day activities the € participants collected a rather large sum of money from € various gentlemen of the town. Bernard himself felt € obliged to allow the members of his own household to I125 125 € € Leaving his home, Oliver and a few of his friends: ‰went . . . in the rain to a certain house, where Governor [possibly a reference to Mackintosh's ‰mas unsatisfactory to the € Sons of Liberty. The Loyal Nine meeting that night € resolved that a public declaration by Oliver was needed, € whereupon they composed and sent a letter informing him € that he was to appear the next day at noon under Liberty €clare, that I have never taken any measures in consequence of my Deputation for that purpose, to act in the Office: and that I never will directly or indirectly, by myself or any under me, make use of the sanagement of the affair] Mackentosh appointed, & there Mr. Oliver renounced his commission before the Majestrates [ÄsÄiÄc.] & Merchants to their Satisfaction, judging that his honour was Sufficient to Satisfy the wor Tree in order to make a public resignation. The letter € also informed the Secretary that his "noncompliance would € bring on him the displeasure of the true born Sons of € Liberty" but that if he appeared as directed "he should be € treated with the greaid Deputation, or take any measures for enforcing the Stamp Act in America, which is so grievous to the People.µ58´ At this the crowd gave three cheers prompting Oliver to € declare that "I shall always think myself very happy to ld that he would not act whereon the writing in which he renounced his commission was sent for to another room to be approved by Gov. Mackentosh: & he Saw fit to declare it would not do unless he would walkatest politeness and humanity." € Having sent this letter, the Loyal Nine proceeded to post € advertisements desiring the Sons of Liberty to gather at noon for Oliver's resignation at Liberty Tree.µ54´ € Early that morning, Andrew Oliver discovered questing Oliver to state his position. This € letter along with Oliver's reply was then published in the € ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe. In his reply, Oliver stated that ‰altho' he had now received a Deputation to act as Distributor of the Stamps to the tree of Liberty & Sware to it under Said tree before the people.µ56´ Whereupon Mackintosh walking on Oliver's right and several € other selectmen and merchants escorted the Secretary € through the wet streets, followed by about two thothat the € people had already begun to assemble at Liberty Tree. In € a desperate attempt to avoid confronting such a crowd, € Oliver sent for one of his neighbors, Thomas Dawes, "a € tradesman of the first character." Through this tradesman, € Oliver refor the Province of usand € people to Liberty Tree. There "under the very Limb where € he had been hanged in effigy."µ57´ Oliver took this oath € from Justice Richard Dana: ‰Wheras a Declaration was yesterday inserted in my name and at my desire in somequested that he be allowed to resign his post at € the Town House. His request was denied however and Dawes € advised Oliver to comply with the wishes of Mackintosh and € the Sons of Liberty.µµ55´´ I124 124 the Massachusetts. He had taken no Measures to Qualify himself for the Office, nor had he any Thoughts of doing it.µ53´ Apparently Oliver's declaration w of the Boston News Papers, that I would not act as Distributor of Stamps within this Province, which Declaration I am informed is not satisfactory. I do herby in the most explicit and unreserved manner desingly aware of the ease with which a crowd could € become a mob. Various leaders such as Jonathan Mayhew and € John Adams, began to advocate a policy of moderation and € pacification regarding the inhabitants rather than € exciting so unstable an elementate Court, in which € Hutchinson sat as a Judge, however, were due to begin € their respective sessions. Hutchinson, believing that € he could no longer resist popular pressure, sought an I127 127 € € proceeded to operate without the use of stamped papers.µ61´ € The next step would be to open the civil courts. To € achieve this the popular leadership shifted tactics. € Rather than of society.µ4´ Others € sought to restrict action to lawful methods and procedures € in defending their liberties,µ5´ while still others € attempted to control the mob through organized leadership. € To accomplish this, it became necessary to bring BostoI132 132 € € µ36´This and the following paragraphs are based upon; € Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," pp. 170-171; Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, € November 1, 1765, MHS; Bernard to Pownall, November 1, €use crowd action they now turned to more tra½- € ditional procedures. € At a town meeting on December 18th, a memorial € requesting that the courts be opened passed, and a € committee, including Samuel Adams, John Rowe, Thomas € Cushing and John Hancon's € rival mobs under the control of one man, who in turn would € be held accountable to the Loyal Nine and the Sons of € Liberty in general. To this end a union between the North € and South Ends was established with Mackintosh at their € head.µ6´ The 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:19-21, HHL; Bernard to Pownall, € November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:44, HHL; BG, November 4, € 1765; Oliver, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄgÄrÄeÄsÄs, p. 54; Malcolm € Freiberg, "Prelude to Purgatory: Thomas Hutchinson in € Provincial Mck, elected to present it to the € Governor and Council.µ62´ After considering all the € arguments, Bernard determined that the question concerned € a matter of law and therefore should be resolved by the € courts themselves. The Council agreed and so pasuccess of this union far exceeded the popular € leadership's expectations in the closing months of 1765. € Additionally, it became increasingly apparent to the € patriots that the actual use of crowd action was no longer € necessary to attain desired0I120 $ öI121 ÿ .I122 ) 'I123 ;I124 É BI125 ÿ H ssed a € resolution stating that the memorial was not a matter € which they were rightfully able to determine but rather a € concern of the justices as a matter of law.µ63´ € It was therefore to the justices that Bernard passed € the decision of whet goals. Indeed, the simple € threat to employ the mob became sufficient. Governor € Bernard attributed the opening of the customs in Boston € without the use of stamps to the fact that the "two Mob € Captains had fixed upon a day for rising" thereby J137 137 € € Although the Sons of Liberty, with the help of the militia € quickly regained control of the situation,µ3´ the outrages € committed that night caused many inhabitants to become € increaher or not to defy the Stamp Act and € proceed without the use of stamps. The Superior Court was € scheduled to resume in March 1766 and thus could defer any € decision until that time. The Inferior Court of Common € Pleas for Suffolk County and the Probthe customs officials opened the custom house and and Newport € Sons of Liberty. Efforts by the Boston Sons to contact € several neighboring towns were rewarded in February when € these towns joined the cause.µ18´ This accomplished, the New York Sons now turned their € attention southward. On Fe:130; Morgan, € ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 124; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 110. € µ8´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:155, HHL; Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:131. µ9´BG, September 2, 1765. 5, MS € Sparks 4, 5:44, HHL; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 170; € Freiberg, "Prelude to Purgatory," p. 128. € µ39´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5: 21, HHL; Oliver, ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄgÄrÄeÄsÄs, p. 54; € Freiberg, "Prelbruary 14, they sent a circular € letter proposing "an Association in order to form an € union of the Colonies in Imitation of our Brethren in € Connecticut, Boston, & c." The response was enthusiastic. € Philadelphia's Sons were the first to answer, "pro µ 10´Bernard to Halifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:155, HHL; Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16:131. µ11´BG, September 2, 1765. µ12´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:21. € µ13´Bernard to Hude to Purgatory," p. 128. € µ40´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:20, HHL. € µ41´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," pp. 170-171; Freeman, € ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, November 1, 1765, MHS; BG, November 4, 1765. mising to € organize immediately," followed by New Jersey and Maryland. € Then on March 31, Norfolk, Virginia organized a group of € Sons of Liberty, and finally, the Carolinas by mid-April € 1766 could boast similar organizations. The Carolina € Sons, inalifax, August 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:157, HHL; Bernard to Halifax, September 7, 1765, MS € Sparks 4, 4:160, HHL. € µ14´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 169-170. I129 129 € € µ1´Hutchinson to Jackson, August 30, 1765, 26:147, MA. µ2´Bernard to Lord Shelburne, MS Sparks 10, 2:23, HHL; € Sibley and Shipton, ÄBÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄiÄcÄaÄlÄ ÄSÄkÄeÄtÄcÄhÄeÄs turn, communicated with sympathetic Georgians, € thus completing the intercolonial organization of Sons of € Liberty.µ19´ € In the midst of these efforts to create an inter½- € colonial organization, reports began to arrive in the J141 141 € € It was, however, the New York Sons of Liberty who € were first to begin organizing on an intercolonial level. € In late October and early November of 1765 these men € "appointed a , 8:174. € µ3´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 59. µ4´Bernard to Halifax, September 7, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:160, HHL; Hutchinson to Jackson, September 1765, 26:150, € MA. € µ5´Bernard to Halifax, Augusassachusetts Politics, 1760-1770," (Ph.D. € diss. Brown University, 1950), pp. 127-129; Wells, ÄLÄiÄfÄe € ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄuÄbÄlÄiÄcÄ ÄSÄeÄrÄvÄiÄcÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄaÄmÄuÄeÄlÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄs, 1:77-78. € µ37´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:19committee to correspond with other € colonies."µ17´ Their efforts proved to be so successful € that by April 1766 alliances existed between the New York, € Connecticut, New London, Manhattan, Boston, Albany, € Portsmouth, Providence, Norfolk, Philadelphiat 31, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 4:153, HHL; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:91. € µ6´Hutchinson to Jackson, August 30, 1765, 26:147, MA. € µ7´Hutchinson to Pownall, March 8, 1766, 26:207-214, € MA; Cobbett, ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 16-20, HHL; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 170; Freeman, € ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, November 1, 1765, MHS; Freiberg, "Prelude to € Purgatory," pp. 127-128. € µ38´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:21, HHL; Bernard to Pownall, November 26, 1760I126 3 4I127 ¾ XI128 ã ãI129 ¸ dI130 r I131 . p 0-551. µ27´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 169. µ28´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 169; BG, September 30, € 1765. It is interesting to note that William Story, € Deputy Register of the Vice Admiralty Court and a victim € of the August 26th riot, red a great obelisk composed of four stories atop a € doric base. This structure held 280 lamps which illumi½- € nated various engravings of the King and Queen, fourteen € patriots, cartoons and verses dedicated to Liberty and J143 143 € Governor Bernard also made preparations. Meeting in € Council on the 17th, he announced that he had ordered € Castle William and several of the batteries in Boston and € Charlestowsigned his post at this time. € µ29´ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, October 21, 1765. € µ30´Bernard to Pownall, November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:43, HHL. € µ31´Bernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:18-19, HHL. € µ32´BernI133 133 € € µ42´Massachusetts Council Records, 16:68-69; Bernard to € Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:22, HHL. € µ43´BG, November 11, 1765; Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, November €n to fire their guns on this occasion. In € addition, he invited the Council members to Province House € on May 19 to drink the King's Health. Finally Bernard € ordered that the Province House and the Town House be € illuminated for the happy occasion.µ2ard to Pownall, November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:43-44, HHL. € µ33´This author agrees with Hiller B. Zobel in that € Swift was "Henry Swift, Shipwright," indicted for the € Pope's Day riot of 1764, rather than the lawyer Samuel € Swift. See Zobel, 5, 1765, MHS; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 171. € µ44´BG, November 11, 1765; Freeman, ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄk, November € 5, 1765, MHS; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 171; Bernard to € Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:23, HHL; Bernard € to Pownall, N3´ € May 19, 1766, was ushered in with the ringing of € bells, discharging of cannon, drums beating and music € throughout the town. Colors were displayed on vessels and € atop houses while the Liberty Tree was decorated with € flags and streamers. ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 321, f. 36. € µ34´Henry W. Cunningham, "The Diary of the Rev. Samuel € Checkley, 1735," CSMP 12:290 (1909); "Reminiscences By € Gen. William H. Sumner," NEHGR 8:191 (1854); Gordon, € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:186. € µ3ovember 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:44-45, HHL; € Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:98. € µ45´BG, November 11, 1765; Bernard to Pownall, November € 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:23, HHL; Bernard to Pownall, € November 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:43, HHL. € µ46´B At noon the guns of Castle William € were fired, as well as those of the surrounding batteries € and the artillery of the town. All debt prisoners were € released by subscription from jail due to the repeal of € the Stamp Act. A town meeting was also he5´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 115. I131 131 € € µ25´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:271; € Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 41. € µ26´Bailyn, ÄPÄaÄmÄpÄhÄlÄeÄtÄs, pp. 546, 548, 55ld that same € afternoon, and in the evening, nearly every building € within the town was illuminated. Bonfires and fireworks € of all kinds were set off throughout the town, especially € on Boston Common. Also on the Common, the Sons of Liberty € erecteernard to Pownall, November 1, 1765, MS Sparks 4, € 5:21, HHL. € µ47´BG, November 18, 1765; Bernard to Pownall, November € 26, 1765, MS Sparks 4, 5:45, HHL; Hutchinson to Benjamin € Franklin, November 11, November 18, 1765, 26:172, 174-175, € MA; Hoer Stamp Distributor € and strategic officials were fearful of the consequences € if they dared enforce the Stamp Act. Most significantly, € the popular leadership had utilized mob action as a viable € political force. But the disaffected Boston leaders mation of the role € of these mob leaders provides more knowledge regarding the € actual organization of events leading to the American € Revolution. € One such leader was Ebenezer Mackintosh. Born in € Boston, June 20, 1737, Ebenezer was the son of Moder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 118. € µ48´Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄhÄ ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 10:343-345. € µ49´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 171; BG, December 9, € 1765. € µ50´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 171; Freiberg, € "Prelude to Purgatory," p. 132y € have been too successful: The crowd got out of hand. € The exploit of the August 26 riot appears to have far € exceeded the original intentions of its organizers. € According to Hutchinson, "the encouragers of the first mob € [August 14] never intses € Mackintosh, a soldier at Castle William, the island € fortress located some three miles out in Boston Harbor, € and the former Lydia Jones of Dorchester, Massachusetts.µ2´ € Mackintoshes, descendants of the ancient clan of € Invernesshire, Scot. € µ51´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 178; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄd € ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 125. ended matters should go this length € and the people in general express the utmost detestation € of this unparallelled [ÄsÄiÄc.] outrage."µ1´ Governor Bernard € in writing to Lord Shelburne agreed with Hutchinson € stating that "it is most probable that mland,µ3´ and Joneses, were among the € early settlers of Massachusetts. The first Mackintoshes € arrived in Massachusetts as prisoners who had been E3 3 € € wealthy merchants, lawyers and prominent officials, down½- € ward through the larger shopkeepers, ships captains, € merchants and lesser officials to the lower classes. € These included cany of those who € were concerts of the first insurrection were not privy to € the design of the latter."µ2 ´ Indeed it became increasingly ghout € Massachusetts and other colonies. raftsmen, sailors, laborers and € apprentices. Thus each segment of Bostonian society € became integrated into a well organized structure of € resistance; thereby uniting the colonists in opposing € British imperial policies. € In an effort to undersI109 109 € € apparent that the people or "followers" were more inclined € than their "leaders" to use whatever force deemed € necessary to prevent the execution of the Stamp Act.µ3´ € Apparently, tI108ÀChapter V CHAPTER V AUGUST TO DECEMBER 1765 € The actions of the Boston mob under Ebenezer € Mackintosh's direction proved to be a resounding success. € Andrew Oliver had resigned his post astand colonial mobs, historians € have delved into the workings of crowd action.µ1´ However, € there is much to be explored regarding the role of crowd € leaders and their relationship to groups such as the Sons € of Liberty and the Loyal Nine. An examina65," was placed upon the tree € which formerly held the effigy of Andrew Oliver.µ22´ The € area surrounding this tree became known as Hanover Square. € On July 10, 1765, the Grenville ministry fell and was € replaced by one headed by the Marquis of RI113 113 € € stemmed from the belief that the stamps would be unpacked € and distributed to the colony from Castle William.µ19´ € Bernard, fearing the renewal of violence, declared in € Council andhe Boston crowd, if left unchecked, would € soon become a wild uncontrollable mob. € Many Bostonians, struck with the horror and destruc½- € tion which occurred on August 26, believed that the crowd € had indeed become a mindless, impulsive, revengefuockingham. When € news of the change in England's ministry reached Boston, this Liberty Tree became the center of the town's publicly via the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe that he € ‰had no power to distribute the Stamped Papers or unpack them, or order anyone so to do; that all I intended in the present exigency was to pre½- serve the Stal mob. € Propertied members of society feared that their lives and € property were also threatened. The Attorney General € disappeared for ten days after the riot, afraid to stay at € his house or any other residence for two nights in € succession. He haI134 134 € € µ52´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:265. € µ53´BG, December 16, 1765. € µ54´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:100-101; Henry Bass to € Sammped Papers entire in their packages, & to prevent an high insult being offered to the King, & the Town or Province being answerable for the Value of the Stamps, which they would be if they were taken away.µ20´ Apd even gone so far as to remove all of € his goods to a place of safety.µ4´ At the Council meeting € held on August 27, one of the Justices of the Peace, and € an active participant in town meetings, complained to the € Governor that his life was threatenuel P. Savage, December 19, 1765, Savage Papers, MHSP € 44:688; BG, December 23, 1765. € µ55´Hutchinson to Pownall, March 8, 1766, 26:204-205, € 207-214, ÄTÄyÄpÄeÄsÄcÄrÄiÄpÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄuÄtÄcÄhÄiÄnÄsÄoÄnÄ ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄ ÄBÄoÄoÄkÄs, MHS; € Hutcparently this declaration had the desired effect of € satisfying the people, for soon after Governor Bernard € countermanded the "orders for raising men to reinforce the € garrison of the Castle" and suspended the military watch € of the town.µ21´ € ed. As the Justice € gave his report, he was overcome by despair and wept, € whereupon Governor Bernard remarked "that he had raised € the Devil, and could not lay him again."µ5´ Hutchinson also € wished that the popular leadership € ‰could be hinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:101; BG, December 23, 1765; Morgan, € ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, p. 125. € µ56´Nathaniel Whitaker to Eleazer Wheelock (D. C. A.), € December 18, 1765, as cited in Sibley and Shipton, € ÄBÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄiÄcÄaÄlÄ ÄSÄkÄeÄtÄcÄhÄeÄs, 7:398In the ensuing weeks, the Boston Sons of Liberty con½- € centrated their efforts on instilling and maintaining € public spirit against the enforcement of the Stamp Act. € To this end, a copper plate inscribed with the words "The € Tree of Liberty August 17convinced what infinite hazard there is of the most terrible consequences from such deamons when they are let loose in a government where there is not constant authority at hand sufficient to suppress them.µ6´ . € µ57´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:101; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy € ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:265. € µ58´The original is in the Dana MSS. and a facsimile € may be found in Facsimilies of Manuscripts, Photostats € 1760-1765, MHS ns for proceeding in defiance of the Stamp Act.µ8´ € Thus through the threat of violence, the Sons of Liberty € increasingly exercised its authority within the town.µ9´ € In conjunction with this threat, the Sons of Liberty € began a psychological cr of the English House of Commons, Colonel Isaac € Barre. This created a rather complicated hierarchy of € colonial opposition to the British administration. The € hierarchy extended from the "better sort," consisting of E2 2 € administration: it was resorted to only after forms of € protest, such as petitions, memorials by town meetings, € and judicial action had failed to secure redress. But € neither was it ampaign in the newspapers charac½- € terized by numerous references to the good behavior of the € crowd and by denouncing those actions not condoned by the € "true" Sons of Liberty. The ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe, in particular, € published accounts of tand MHSP 12:opp. p. 247. µ59´BG, December 23, 1765. µ60´Bass to Savage, December 19, 1765, pp. 688-689. µ61´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 181. µ62´BG, December 23, 1765. µ63´Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, p. 206; Morgaa new, unprecedented form of complaint when € it was employed in the streets of Boston in the 1760s. € Indeed, it had a long history in both England and her € American colonies. Direct action by crowds was a tradi½- € tional vehicle to evoke attention andhis nature. In the November 4, € 1765, May 5 and 26, issues, several reports appeared € regarding the decency and good order of the people. € Interestingly, the August outbursts were attributed to the € work of a rabble or a few abandoned, desperate person, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, € p. 183. µ64´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 183-184; BG, December € 23, 1765. € µ65´BG, March 17, 1766; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:292; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄ response by the € political establishment when judicial and legislative € remedies proved ineffective or too slow. € By 1765 the men of the unofficial, colonial power € structure in Boston used groups of the townspeople, € ordinarily drawn from the lns. € As a consequence of these accounts, according to Thomas € Hutchinson, the € government party inferred, that this was an evidence of the influence the mob was under, and that they might be let loose, or kept up, oÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 127-128. ower economic classes, to € underscore and lend force to their complaints when regular € means had failed. There were in Boston three associations € of the townspeople who were discontented with the British € colonial policies, societies with names which just as their keepers thought fit.µ10´ By stressing the good order and decorum of the mob, these € reports also caused many inhabitants to reflect upon the € disorderliness of the mob and its consequences as revealed € by the August riots. The populaJ138 138 € € frightening the customs officers into acting.µ7´ Fear of € violence by the mob and popular compulsion, according to € John Adams, were cited by members of the Superior Court € as reasogave no hint € of their nature and purpose: the Monday Night Club, the € Long Room Club, the Loyal Nine. In 1765 members of these € groups organized themselves as the Sons of Liberty, taking € their name from a speech opposing the Stamp Act, by a € member leadership in this way J169 169 € € µ44´Writ dated December 23, 1766, misc. document, € Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH; October € 1766-July 1767 Minute Book, p. 21, Inferior Court of € Common Pleas Reco ranks of the Sons or who € shared sympathetic views with those held by the popular € leadership. These men replaced such staunch supporters of € the Governor as Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, Edmund € Throwbridge, Jonathan Sewall and Superior Court Juediately the bells were rung and cannon fired € from beneath Liberty Tree and elsewhere, flags were flown € on the vessels in the harbor and atop many homes within € the town. That night, the Sons of Liberty met at Hanover € Square. There they decided tords, SCCH. € µ45´Case #397, October 1766-July 1767 Minute Book, p. € 41, Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ46´BTR, 16:203-204. € µ47´Promissory Note dated June 26, 1767, misc. € document, Inferior Court of Common Pleas Recordsdge € Peter Oliver.µ26´ John Adams commented on these elections € in his Diary stating that "Thus the Triumph of Otis and € his Party are complete."µ27´ Indeed Otis and Adams had suc½- € cessfully crushed their opponents within the government. € This acc make preparations for a day € of rejoicing on the Common complete with fireworks. € Thomas Crafts, one of the Loyal Nine who masterminded the € Boston Sons, served on the committee responsible for these € preparations. The date for the festivities was seJ142 142 € colonies that the Stamp Act had been repealed. These € reports first reached Maryland during late March and early € April of 1766. From there news of repeal traveled north € along commomplished, Samuel Adams now endeavored to perfect € the organized Sons of Liberty within Boston itself. € The Loyal Nine and other prominent leaders remained € as the core of Adams's organization of direct action. Yet € new leaders increasingly emergt for € May 19, 1766.µ22´ unication channels established by the Sons of € Liberty. By March 19, the ÄCÄoÄnÄnÄeÄcÄtÄiÄcÄuÄt ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe published € an account of the repeal and Ezra Stiles recorded in his € "Stamp Act Notebook" that Newport received the news on € April 1. Newpoed within the hierarchy. € Thomas Hutchinson in a letter to Thomas Pownall on March € 8, 1766 gives an account of the hierarchy, as he perceived € it at that time: € I will begin with the lowest branch partly legislative partly executiJ145 145 € € With him James Otis, Thomas Cushing and John Hancock, all € noted Sons of Liberty, were also elected. Then on May 18, € the House of Representatives elected Otis as Speaker and € Samurt also obtained news of repeal, by way of € the Baltimore Sons, on April 12. This account was then € sent to Boston where it arrived the following day.µ20´ € Confirmation of repeal finally arrived in Boston at 11:00 € A.M. on May 16, 1766 via Captain Shve. This consists of the rabble of the town of Boston headed by one el Adams as Clerk. Governor Bernard was angered by € both choices but compromised in accepting Thomas Cushing € as speaker of the house. Later that day, the House of € Representatives elected members of the Council. Here € also men were elected from theubael Coffin of John € Hancock's brig the ÄHÄaÄrÄrÄiÄsÄoÄn.µ21´ € The effect of this news on Bostonians was € overwhelming. "It is impossible to express the Joy the € Inhabitants in general were in," commented the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe. Imm of popular € discontent through mass demonstrations as an effective € means of attaining their goals. € Nonimportation first gained acceptance as a form of € protest in response to the Sugar Act of 1764.µ32´ In € September 1765 these efforts became ews, "Boston Merchants," pp. 191-192; BTR, 16: € 221-224; BG, November 2, 1767. 5´ € The repeal of the Stamp Act and the period following € its celebration witnessed a series of significant tran½- € sitions within the popular leadership and its tactics. € These transitions had their beginnings just prior to the € arrival of newsmore orderly and orga½- € nized in anticipation of the coming Stamp Act. Then in € December 1765, a majority of Boston merchants agreed to € boycott British goods until repeal of the Stamp Act. € This final agreement, echoed by merchants in New York, J147 147 € € time. Yet whereas Molineux resorted to action, Young pre½- € ferred to engage in oratory, newspaper writing and other € forms of political propaganda.µ29´ Daniel Malcom, a Boston € me regarding repeal. Samuel Adams, who € first gained political prominence in September 1765 when € elected to fill Oxenbridge Thacher's seat as a Boston € representative, easily won reelection on May 10, 1766. J144 144 € Freedom. On the top of this obelisk was placed a box of € horizontal fireworks. Unfortunately the obelisk was acci½- € dently ignited about 1:00 o'clock the night of the € celebration.rchant also emerged as a leader at this time. Malcom € found himself in direct opposition to government forces on € September 24, 1766, when he openly defied Deputy Collector € William Sheaffe and Comptroller Benjamin Hallowell by € refusing to allow them, SCCH. € This agreement was apparently written by Ebenezer € Mackintosh; BG, March 5, 12, 1764. € µ48´Writ dated September 16, 1768, misc. document, € Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ49´Case #271, October 1767-October 1768 Minut Not all of it burned, however so it still € made an impressive display.µ24´ € There were also private celebrations held that € evening, John Hancock's being the most notable. The € ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe described this affair as "a grand and entrance into his house in order to € search for suspected smuggled goods. Within two years € after this episode, Malcom became recognized as a mob € captain.µ30´ Coinciding with the changing leadership, the Sons of € Liberty began to abandon theie Book, € back side of p. 87, Inferior Court of Common Pleas, SCCH. € µ50´Case #84, Minute Books of the Superior Court of € Judicature, 15:Minute Book 89, p. 11, Office of the Clerk € of the Supreme Judicial Court for Suffolk County, SCCH. € µ51´ele½- € gant Entertainment to the genteel Part of the Town." In € the front of his residence Hancock erected a stage on € which he set off numerous fireworks to the delight of the € people whose spirits he lifted also with a pipe of Madeira € wine. Otis r previous tactics of direct € crowd action. Repeal of the Stamp Act had "hushed into € silence almost every popular Clamour, and composed every € Wave of Popular Disorder into a smoth [ÄsÄiÄcÄ.] and peaceful € Calm,"µ31´ thereby eliminating previous usesBTR, 20:161-162; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," € pp. 27-28. Samuel Hughes was to become a loyalist during € the Revolution. € µ52´BTR, 20:277. € µ53´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:131; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, € p. 39. µ54´Andrand others who lived about the Common held € open house, too, while the Sons of Liberty celebrated in € the workhouse. The rejoicing continued until midnight € when a signal was given from the Common and the populace € retired to their respective homes.µ2cknam € inflicted damage and was assessed a total of five € shillings and four pence. Mackintosh failed to pay either € fee and hence the writ and summons to appear in court on € January 6, 1767.µ44´ The case was carried over till € February 12 when MackJ146 146 € Mackintosh who I imagine you never heard of. ‰He is a bold fellow and as likely for a Massianello as you can well conceive. When there is occasioh time as they were safely unloaded. At the next € Council meeting, held on August 21, Bernard was futher € advised to deposit the stamps designated for Massachusetts, € as well as those for other colonies, in Castle William. € He directed Captain Bishop intosh, following his usual pattern, € once again defaulted.µ45´ € Mackintosh's legal and financial woes did not € disparage his political influence, however, he again stood € for the position of Sealer of Leather on March 16, 1767, € and was reelectn to hang or burn effigies or pull down houses these are employed; but since government has been brought to a system they are somewhat controuled by a superior set consisting of the master masons carpenters, &c. of to do so, whereupon Bernard € returned to the Castle, lamenting that he was "wholly in € the Power of the People."µ2´ € Within Boston itself, a general mood of approval € of the crowd action prevailed, but with some rather € frightening effects. Preed along with Samuel Bangs, William Andrews, € John Shepherd and William Stevenson.µ46´ Mackintosh seems € to have worked well with his fellow Sealers. Mackintosh, € Bangs and Andrews had originally come to the post in 1765, € whereas Shepherd and Steventhe town. . . . When anything of more importance is to be determined as opening the custom house or any matters of trade these are under the direc½- tion of a committee of merchants Mr. Rowe at their head ssure began to be exerted against € those who disapproved or condemned the crowd's activities. € In particular, when one Bostonian asserted that he would € accept the post of Stamp Master in spite of the mob, a € date was fixed for the destruction of his hson were elected in 1766. That € all five were reelected in 1767 shows the harmony of their € administration. Mackintosh appears to have established a € good relationship with William Stevenson in particular, € for on July 26, 1767 they, along with EbeneJ152 152 € € Chamber and back Upper Chamber with an equal use of the € Cellar and Kitchen." These rooms were part of Susanna € Hoskins's own home located near the South Battery in € Boston. On Mayouse. The € gentleman quickly recanted. Clergyman who publicly con½- € demned the proceedings were also threatened with mob € action while other ministers in Boston openly prayed for € the crowd's success and justified its actions as being € proper and nzer Hall, € entered into a financial agreement with Ruth Thompson. 15, it was agreed that Mackintosh would € pay Susanna Hoskins a quarterly fee of ·V¶ 2..6..8 while € Bucknam was to improve the rented rooms. The first € payment, according to the writ was never received and € rather than improving the premises, Jacob Buecessary. Several gentlemen approached € Suffolk County Sheriff Greenleaf in an attempt to per- € suade him to resign that office as it "would soon become € dangerous for a civil officer to appear." Although H86 86 € € Captain Bishop, commander of the Man-of-War ÄFÄoÄrÄtÄuÄnÄe, then € in Boston harbor, to inspect all incoming vessels for € stamps; if any were found, he was to guard the ship until € suc € have met and wooed Elizabeth Maverick, for on August 7, € 1766, (a little less than a year after the attack on € Hutchinson's house), they were married.µ37´ Marriage for € Mackintosh became an additional incentive for retiring € from political protest. For Ebenezer Mackintosh, the new figures emerging in € the popular leadership and the changing tactics had far- € ranging implications. Although still considered to be € an important element within the Sons of Liberty,µ34´ his € special talent for ore merchant) € and Solomon Davis (ship captain and owner) as leaders € within this hierarchy. Molineux first gained prominence € in 1761 as one who signed the Petition of Merchants and € thereby brought suit against the use of writs of assistance. Follo Possibly he may have been per½- € suaded to do so by his new bride and the subsequent birth € of his two children.µ38´ € Mackintosh seems to have been a poor business man. € During the period from 1766 to 1773 he faced a series of € court cases, thrganizing and successfully executing € crowd action increasingly fell into disuse. Mackintosh € therefore appears to have retired from his position as mob € captain in 1766. Rather then directing Pope's Day € celebrations and crowd protests, Mackintosh nwing repeal, Molineux gained increasing € notoriety among the Sons as a man of action rather than € words. In his diary John Rowe stated that "Many Things € are attributed to him & tis believed that he was first € Leader of Dirty Matters." Along with Mole majority of which involved him as a pri½- € vate individual. The first such case had its origins on € September 25, 1766 when Mackintosh gave Samuel Lauchlen, a € Roxbury tanner, a promissory note written in his own hand € for four pounds. This sum wasow engaged in € occupational and personal affairs. Throughout the tur½- € bulence of the past years he had continued to ply his € trade as a cordwainer and, beginning in 1765, served as € one of Boston's Sealers of Leather. On March 10, 1766 he € was againeux, Thomas € Young (often called Doctor due to his practice of "physic € and chirurgery" also joined the popular leadership at this to be payable in one € month's time.µ39´ Mackintosh failed to abide by its terms, € however, forcing Lauchlen to bring suit against him on May € 20, 1767. The case came before the Inferior Court of € Common Pleas on October 6, 1767 but no action againstin elected to this post along with Samuel Bangs, € William Andrews, John Shepherd and William Stevenson.µ35´ € After his reelection, the historical sources reveal little € of Mackintosh's activities, although it is highly probable J148 148 € € Philadelphia, Salem, Marblehead, Plymouth and Newbury proved highly effective in prompting British merchants to € work for parliamentary repeal. With repeal, nonimpor½- € tation becamthen Molyneux Solomon Davis, &c but all affairs of a general nature opening all the courts of law &c. this is proper for a general meeting of the inhabitants of Boston where Otis with his mobbish eloquence prevails J149 149 € € that he participated in the public rejoicing and General € Thanksgiving on July 21, 1766 for repeal of the Stamp € Act.µ36´ € It was during this time that Ebenezer Mack1ntosh muste firmly established as a means of colonial € protest. As such nonimportation existed as a successful € substitute for violence. Colonial opposition withdrew € from the streets and its place was taken by economic € pressure and home manufacturing.µ33´ €in every motion.µ28´ € According to Hutchinson, Ebenezer Mackintosh still main½- € tained an important position as mob captain within the € Sons of Liberty. In addition, Hutchinson also mentions € John Rowe (merchant), William Molineux (hardwa in 1767 he was unable to make any payments € whatsoever, either to Dana or any other creditors.µ42´ € Apparently this situation continued through 1769 as he was € still unable to meet his debts as shown by the repeated € attempts by his creditors to obtaJ150 150 € € came before the court. At this time Mackintosh was € adjudged to have defaulted and the court awarded judgement € of ·V¶ 4..2..7 and court costs to Samuel Lauchlen.µ40´ € Occurr of this act. Now he no € longer faced possible legal action for his role in the € late riots; he was free to move about Boston with € confidence. Yet soon after the enactment of the act, € Mackintosh became involved in yet another court action. € Ain payment. Mackintosh's ing simultaneously with this case, Mackintosh € confronted similar action by Francis Dana of Roxbury. € Mackintosh had been buying leather from Dana, a tanner, € since February 13, 1765. From that time Mackintosh main½- € tained a fairly regular schedule writ, issued on December 23, 1766 provides a good € deal of information regarding this case. It began the € preceding May when for some unexplained reason Ebenezer € Mackintosh requested Susanna Hoskins rent to Jacob € Bucknam, (presumably a friend of hiJ151 151 € € situation may have been due to an increased financial € burden through his marriage to Elizabeth Maverick and € the birth of his children. The initial debt to Samuel € Lauchlen was madof payments, but with his € last payment on December 15, 1766 he was still ·V¶ 5..12.. € 1/2 in arrears. No action was taken until April 7, 1767 € when Dana brought in a complaint to the Inferior Court. A € writ and summons was issued ordering Mackintoshs), a "front lower e soon after his marriage and Mackintosh € ceased making any payments to Francis Dana three months € later. The financial responsibility of supporting a € family may have proved too difficult for Mackintosh in the € early stages of his marriage; or, perha to appear € in court. Mackintosh eventually defaulted when the case € was brought to trial for the fourth time on February 9, € 1769. Dana therefore received judgment of ·V¶ 5..12..5 and € costs.µ41´ € Clearly these cases indicate that Ebenezer MaE10 10 € € The Mechanics and New York City Politics, 1774-1801," € ÄLÄaÄbÄoÄrÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy 5:215-276 (1964): Alfred F. Young, "The € 'Bailyn' Thesis and the Problem of 'Popular' Ideology. A € Cps he experienced a € decrease in the demand for his services as a shoemaker. € On December 6, 1766 the General Assembly of Massachusetts passed an act designed to pour oil on the € troubled waters. On the one hand it granted compensation € to Thomackintosh € experienced financial difficulties throughout this period. € Francis Dana's accounts reveal that Mackintosh made € payments in May, October and November during 1765 and € 1766. In December 1766 he made an additional payment of € ·V¶ 1..12. Yet € Mackintosh was taken. Then on April 7, 1767, Lauchlen € again brought charges against Mackintosh for his continued € nonpayment. Accordingly another writ and summons was € issued. Yet it is not till January 22, 1768 that the case s Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, Benjamin Hallowell € and William Story for the destruction of August 1765, € while on the other it issued a general pardon for the € offenders.µ43´ No doubt Ebenezer Mackintosh breathed a sigh € of relief when he received newsomment," (Paper prepared for the annual convention of the € Organization of American Historians, Denver, 1974), and € editor, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ.Ä Ä ÄEÄxÄpÄlÄoÄrÄaÄtÄiÄoÄnÄsÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄ of the selectmen, and informed € them that they had brought action against Samuel Hughes, € a merchant, for selling unmerchantable leather. Hughes € contended that he had imported the leather from North € Carolina which exempted it from the jurisdiction J153 153 € € According to this agreement they were to repay Ruth € Thompson, widow of Boston tailor Robert Thompson, € ·V¶ 4..5..4 for goods received. This sum would fall due € sometime after the 2nÄ ÄRÄaÄdÄiÄcÄaÄlÄiÄsÄm (De Kalb. Ill.: Northern € Illinois University Press, 1976). µ2´BTR 24:230, 28:186; MA 91:298-299. µ3´Sir Iain Moncreiffe, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄsÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄe € ÄDÄyÄnÄaÄsÄtÄiÄcÄ ÄOÄrÄiÄgÄiÄnÄsÄ,Ä ÄCÄhÄiÄeÄfÄof Boston 6th of September 1767.µ47´ Mackintosh, € Hall and Stevenson made an additional agreement with € Thompson for ·V¶ 4..5..4, plus interest, which would be due € after December 26, 1767.µ48´ Yet for some unknown reason € these amounts were not paid causing TsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄBÄaÄcÄkÄgÄrÄoÄuÄnÄdÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄs € ÄCÄoÄnÄnÄeÄcÄtÄeÄdÄ ÄwÄiÄtÄhÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄSÄoÄmÄeÄ ÄoÄtÄhÄeÄrÄ ÄFÄaÄmÄiÄlÄiÄeÄs € (London: Barrie & Rockliff, 1967) p. 126; George Eyre- € Todd, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄHÄiÄgÄhÄlÄaJ154 154 € € Sealers of Leather. The Sealers therefore sought assur- € ances by the town that their expenses (if they lost the € case), would be reinbursed. Having reflected upon the € matter and hompson to bring € suit. When the case came to trial, Mackintosh defaulted. € Therefore the court awarded Thompson ·V¶ 9..4..0 and costs € as judgment.µ49´ However this too was left unpaid. € Thompson, determined not to be outdone, took her case to € theÄnÄdÄ ÄCÄlÄaÄnÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄcÄoÄtÄlÄaÄnÄdÄ:Ä ÄTÄhÄeÄiÄrÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄTÄrÄaÄdÄiÄtÄiÄoÄnÄs (London: Heath, Cranton Limited, 1923) 2:334- € 346; George P. Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh, Stamp Act € Rioter and Patriot," CSMP 26:15-16. µ4´Wibelieving that the question whether or not € imported leather was subject to inspection was an impor½- € tant one, the selectmen voted to reimburse the expenses € incurred by the Sealers if they should lose their case € against Hughes.µ51´ No further acti Superior Court of Judicature where it was tried some½- € time in late March or early April 1769. Ironically, € Thomas Hutchinson served as Chief Justice at this time. € It is not surprising therefore that Ruth Thompson received € judgment as requested, alliam Cobbett ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄlÄiÄaÄmÄeÄnÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄf € ÄEÄnÄgÄlÄaÄnÄd (London: T. Curson Mansard, 1806-1820) 3:1355, € 1370, 1371, 1374. € µ5´Suffolk Deeds 1:4,7, SCCH; "Scotch Prisoners Sent € to Massachusetts in 1652 by Order on was taken regarding € this issue until the following November. Sometime prior € to November 11, 1767, Mr. Hughes offered to drop the € action with the Boston Sealers. The selectmen considered € this offer on November 11 and decided to send Samuel € Semounting to ·V¶ 9..0..6 and € ·V¶ 3..5..6 for court costs.µ50´ € Another incident involving the Boston Sealers of € Leather as a whole occurred soon after the Thompson € affair. On July 22, 1769, Mackintosh and the other € Sealers attended a meetingof the English € Government," NEHGR 1:378-379 (l847); Anderson, "Ebenezer € Mackintosh," p. 16. € µ6´Probate Records of the County of Suffolk, € Massachusetts, #5166, 24:274, #4984, 24:322 SCCH. Moses J158 158 € ‰You may please to remember I hinted to you formerly, that if one McIntosh in this Town was apprehended, it would be a means of unra½- velling the increased their business. € Apparently Mackintosh's business as a shoemaker increased € for although still in the midst of various lawsuits, he € was no longer prosecuted for them and he incurred no new € debts. Indeed, prosperity seems to have fallen on wall and John Rowe to negotiate with Hughes and "to € agree with his proposal to drop the Suit, deliver him the € Leather" and "to determine what shall be paid for € damages."µ52´ This put an end to the proceedings. € While Ebenezer Mackintosh engagewhole Scene of Iniquity. The Man has already been threatened with Death in case he should inform: As to any Evidence this side the Water it would weigh but little, but if Government should think proper to send for many of € Boston's tanners, curriers and cordwainers due to the € increased demand for their wares.µ58´ € The year 1768 proved to be fairly uneventful for € Ebenezer Mackintosh. His name appears in the public € records only rarely: in February he td in legal combat € with his creditors and Samuel Hughes, Boston and the colo½- € nies as a whole faced a renewed threat by the English € government. The fall of 1767 brought the colonists news € of the Townshend Acts. These acts, which levied a duty on him Home, I am firmly persuaded it would answer the end He was one that attended their night meetings, and knows more of their Secret Transactions than the whole of what they call Torys put together.µ64´ €estified in a € dispute which had taken place in front of John Avery's € residence concerning the illegal use of a charcoal bucket € by a coal man. Mackintosh, who lived in the vicinity and € had witnessed the dispute, corroborated the defense testi½- € m€ glass, lead, painter's colors, tea and paper, were to go € into effect on November 20, 1767. The consequences of € this new instance of Parliamentary taxation upon the Sons € of Liberty and the colonists was extraordinary. Consequently, although Mackintosh no longer took part € in the various crowd activities directed against indivi½- € dual soldiers or colonial importers, he maintained an € active role behind the scenes within the Sons of Liberty € organization. € ony that William Barrat "did not beat nor any way abuse € the Coal man."µ59´ € Mackintosh and the other four Sealers of Leather were € reelected to the post once again.µ60´ For Mackintosh this € would be the fourth and final time he would serve in tJ156 156 € € including the manufacture of shoes. Lynn, Massachusetts, € which had been a center of the shoe industry for a few € years by this time, was greatly enlarged in an effort to € provide c In spite of Mackintosh's reluctance to participate € openly in colonial resistance he was nevertheless affected € by the fateful Boston Massacre. On March 5, 1770, Samuel € Maverick, half brother of Elizabeth Maverick, Ebenezer € Mackintosh's wife,µ65´his olonists with inexpensive shoes in place of those € imported from England.µ57´ It may be safe to presume that € the effects of nonimportation and nonconsumption also € filtered down to the common tradesmen and shoemakers € within the colonies and thereby had worked till 8:30 P.M. Now € seventeen, he worked as an apprentice to the ivory turner, € Isaac Greenwood.µ66´ Following work Maverick had gone to € Jonathan Cary's home for supper. While there the bells of € Brattle Square and Old Brick Churches raning order, € "entirely by threat of physical force."µ62´ By law the € military authority could not use force without the € authority of the civil magistrates, but the majority of € Bostonians were unaware at first of this restriction and € therefore rathÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:323. € µ32´ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe and BNL, July 5, September 6, € 13, 1764; BPB, October 1, 8, 29, 1764; BG, August 13, € September 24, October 1, 1764; BEP, September 24, 1764; € Arthur M. Sch danger as a mob captain since 1764 and possibly earlier, € yet never did he nor any of the other Sons of Liberty € believe that they would encounter violent action by the € military authorities. The Boston Massacre became a very € sobering experience forer fearful of the troops.µ63´ Hence € Mackintosh, sensitive to his widespread reputation, may € have deemed it both prudent and necessary to avoid any € activity which would endanger his effectiveness within the € Sons of Liberty. That Mackintosh still rng; whereupon € Cary's four sons, Maverick and another teenager told Cary € that they would eat a little more and then be off to the € fire.67 0nce in King Street they found a large crowd € surrounding a group of soldiers at the Custom House. the popular leadership and the € colonists in general. € In the early 1770's, opposition to the British € declined sharply with the repeal of most of the Townshend € duties, the colonists seemed to have won their point. € Activities such as demonstraetained con½- € siderable importance within the Sons of Liberty may be € seen in a letter written on October 19, 1769 by George € Mason to Joseph Harrison, retired Collector of Customs in € Boston. Mason, a British sympathizer, states that J157 157 € € capacity. Following his election Mackintosh presumably € continued to practice his trade and perform his duties as € a Sealer. € With the arrival of British troops in Boston durintions, mass meetings and riots € were reduced to a minimum for the next three years.µ70´ € Simultaneously, Mackintosh severely curtailed his activi½- € ties throughout the town. Consequently, there is no known € record of Ebenezer Mackintosh's movements J159 159 € € Suddenly a shot was fired. Samuel Maverick cried murder, € then thinking it unwise to remain started running towards € the Town House. As he ran more shots were fired. € Maverick, notg € late September 1768, Ebenzer Mackintosh retreated even € further from public activity. This retreat may have been € prompted by frequent rumors that the "leaders of the fac½- € tion" were "to be sent home as state prisoners."µ61´ The € actual presencor actions apprehending any danger, continued until a € bullet bounced off an object and struck him in the chest. € After the shooting, Dr. Richard Hyrons came to Maverick's € aid and found that the bullet had done extensive damage to € his liver, stomach and inteste of armed British soldiers gave these € rumors horrifying potential. Yet troops had been sent to € Boston as peace keepers or policemen, not as bounty € hunters. Their purpose was to assist the civil authori½- € ties in enforcing regulations and maintaiJ167 167 € € µ30´R. S. Longley, "Mob Activities in Revolutionary € Massachusetts," NEQ 6:111 (1937); Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, € pp. 51-54. € µ31´Butterfield ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ines before lodging between € the lower ribs. Maverick was taken to his mother's € boarding house in the North End. There he died a few € hours later.µ69´ This episode had a profound effect upon € Elizabeth and Ebenezer Mackintosh. Ebenezer had faced €Those men identified represent a wide € range of economic groups within Bostonian society. One € third were propertyless, one third can be termed small € property owners, one sixth had up to ·V¶ 100 and the € remaining sixth owned more than ·V¶ 100.µ74´ e assembled were seventeen € members of the Long Room Club. The other group originated € in the South End of the town near Liberty Tree at the € corner of Essex and Orange Streets. Once the two parties, € joined by others along the way, arrived at Griffiµ37´BTR, 30:54. € µ38´BTR, 24:315, 319. € Speculation regarding Ebenezer Mackintosh's par½- € ticipation has been varied. In 1835, Benjamin B. Thatcher € in ÄTÄrÄaÄiÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄTÄeÄaÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄtÄy, noted that a McIntosh was one € of the party. Both Benson J. Lossing and Samuel A. Dn's Wharf € they divided into three groups and boarded the ships. € Working very quickly and in orderly fashion the men pro½- € ceeded to dump overboard all the tea, later valued at ·V¶ J160 160 € € during this period. Presumably he continued to support € his family working as a shoemaker. Yet between 1770 and € 1773 he and his family lived in virtual obscurity. € It was notlesinger, ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄoÄlÄoÄnÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ € ÄAÄmÄeÄrÄiÄcÄaÄnÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄnÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä3Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä6 (New York: Columbia € University Press, 1918), Chapter 2. € µ33´BEP, September 23, December 9, 1765; BPB, December € J161 161 € € 18,000. By about 9:00 P.M. the work was completed and the € participants marched back to town.µ71´ € Various attempts have been made by historians to € determine the members of t until December 1773 that Ebenezer € Mackintosh was again mentioned in the records of the € anti-British movement. During the colonial boycott of € tea, (a response to the Tea Act of 1773), three ships € carrying the hated brew had arrived in Boston harbo 9, 16, 23, 1765; BG, November 25, 1765; Boyle, "Boyle's € Journal," p. 171; Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:99-100; Charles € M. Andrews, "The Boston Merchants and the Non-importation € Movement," CSMP 19:198-201; Schlesinger, ÄCÄoÄlÄoÄnÄiÄaÄl € ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄhe Boston Tea Party. Samuel € Adams most certainly was one of the major figures in the € affair.µ72´ Molineux was not present at the meeting in the € Old South and it has been suggested that he may have € actually directed the proceedings at Griffin's € r. € Immediately steps were taken by the inhabitants for € returning the tea to England, but to no avail. Forced € into action by the noncompliance of both the tea con½- € signees and the owner captains of the tea laden ships, the € popular leadership setaÄnÄtÄs, pp. 80-82; Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, € pp. 74-75; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 331; Morgan, € ÄPÄrÄoÄlÄoÄgÄuÄe, pp. 129-131. € µ34´Hutchinson to Pownall, March 8, 1766, 26:211, MA; € Mawharf.µ73´ The records reveal that a total of 123 men took € part in the event, of whom fourteen are known to have come € from other towns. Out of the remaining 109, thirty-four € were identified in the tax list for 1771 while sixteen € were not listed. in motion what is known as the € Boston Tea Party. € About 6:00 P.M. on December 16, 1773 two separate € groups prepared themselves for the night's work. One € group met and disguised themselves at the printing office € of Edes and Gill. Among thosson to Harrison, October 20, 1769, MS Sparks 10, 3:40, € HHL. € µ35´BTR, 16:162, 166; BG, March 17, 1766. € µ36´BG, July 7, 1766; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 250; € Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:316. € J163 163 € € Between December 16, 1773 and the following summer, € Mackintosh left Boston. His departure may have been € prompted by various rumors circulating at that time € regarding Britishmstance that several of them visited his master's premises with that view.µ77´ Thus it seems that Peter McIntosh did not actively par½- € ticipate in throwing the tea overboard. € Ebenezer Mackintosh himself commented on the Tea € Party. o longer needed by the Sons of Liberty. His € retirement from active participation in various forms of retaliatory measures for the Boston Tea € Party. on May 10, 1774 Boston journals carried news of € the Boston Port Bill which would close the port of Boston € to all vessels in June. Troops were expected to arrive € sometime that summer to enforce the a Around the year 1810, while speaking with Schuyler € Merrill of Haverhill, New Hampshire about the event, € Mackintosh stated that "it was my chickens that did the € job." Mackintosh family tradition also asserts that he € participated in the destructionJ164 164 € crowd action, the shift in oppositional tactics and € leadership, and Mackintosh's new life as a family man made € his services nearly obsolete. Although still an influen½- € tial membect. Rumors of orders € calling for the deportation of John Hancock, Samuel € Adams and Ebenezer Mackintosh also circulated. The € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄSÄpÄy on May 19 reprinted an item from a € London paper of April 7, 1774 which stated that: € of the tea. Descendants € of children, by both his first and second wives, corro½- € borate this story.µ78´ The contemporary records, however, € do not provide any evidence regarding the authors or the € actors of the scheme. The greatest secrecy was prake € also list a McIntosh as having taken part in the crowd € action that night.µ75´ However, the omission of the given € name has led some authors to assume that it was Peter € McIntosh, a fifteen year old blacksmith's apprentice.µ76´ ‰ It may be depended on that a sloop of war sailed from Plymouth 14 days since for Boston, with ‰ orders to bring to England, in irons, Messrs. ‰Hancock, Row, Adams, and McIntosh; the latter has been very activereserved € until after the American Revolution. By that time many € decades had passed and the accuracy of some sources are in € doubt. Yet, it is probable that Mackintosh did indeed € take part in the Tea Party. His previous experience in € crowd actioJ162 162 € € This assertion is erroneous. Thatcher appears to have € talked with Peter McIntosh about the Tea Party for he € states: € Mr. Peter McIntosh, of this city, was at that among the lower order of the people, and the other among the higher.µ79´ Although later revealed that this statement was erroneous, € the publishers apparently believed otherwise. Mackintosh € may also have considered the statement as true. n and his ability to control the people would € have made his services invaluable that evening. time a blacksmith's apprentice, and upon the ‰mention of the fact spoken of in the text,--that ‰some of the Party ran into such places to dis½- guise their faces hastily with the soot,--recals [ÄsÄiÄcÄ.] the circu If not, € it made the possibility of such an order calling for his € arrest and deportation to England an imminent prospect. € By 1774 then, Ebenezer Mackintosh's unusual ability € and talent in raising, controlling and directing crowd € action was n p. 76. µ3´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 244. µ4´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 60. µ5´Hutchinson to Pownall, August 31, 1765, 26:149, MA; Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ766; Gipson, ÄBÄrÄiÄtÄiÄsÄh € ÄEÄmÄpÄiÄrÄe, 11:13-14; Bailyn, ÄOÄrÄdÄeÄaÄl, p. 112. € µ27´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:313. € µ28´Hutchinson to Pownall, March 8, 1766, 26:207-214, € MA; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄJ166 166 € € µ16´George Mason to Joseph Harrison, October 20, 1769, € MS Sparks 10, 3:40, HHL. € µ17´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 78. µ18´Mai ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 59-60. µ6´Bernard to Lords of Trade, November 30, 1765, MS € Sparks 10, 2:1-2, HHL; Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 1:186. See € Chapter V for a detailed account of the union created € between the North and South Ends of Boston. €AÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 234-235. € µ29´Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 49. er, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 78-79; € Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 258-259. € µ19´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 78-81; € Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄ µ7´Bernard to Lords of Trade, January 10, 1776, MS € Sparks 4, 4:185, HHL; Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, € pp. 72, 73. € µ8´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:189, also citedJ140 140 € € The effort to form a more organized movement of € resistance following Oliver's public resignation in € December 1765, resulted in the extension of the Sons of € Liberty to the whoiÄsÄiÄs, p. 159. € µ20´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 109-110, € f. 64. µ21´BG, May 19, 1766; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 249. µ22´BG, May 19, 1766; Edward B. Robbins, "Col. Thomas € Crafts, Jr. 174 in Quincy, ÄRÄeÄpÄoÄrÄtÄs, pp. 215-216. µ9´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, p. 255. µ10´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:98. µ11´Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, pp. 251-252. µ12´BG, December 30, 1765. µ13´BG, r of the Sons of Liberty, Mackintosh's career as € a mob captain had ended. 0-1799," ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄSÄoÄcÄiÄeÄtÄyÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄcÄeÄeÄdÄiÄnÄgÄs (1914), € p. 34. € µ23´BG, May 19, 1766. € µ24´BG, May 19, 26, 1766; Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. € 249; Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:312; € BrayMarch 10, 1766. µ14´BG, December 30, 1765; Morgan, ÄSÄtÄaÄmÄpÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄ ÄCÄrÄiÄsÄiÄs, € p. 252. µ15´Butterfield, ed., ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄuÄtÄoÄbÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄpÄhÄy, 1:294; € Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp.J165 165 € µ1´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 248; BG, February 24, € 1766; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 130. € µ2´Maier, ÄFÄrÄoÄmÄ ÄRÄeÄsÄiÄsÄtÄaÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄtÄoÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄoÄlÄuÄtÄiÄoÄn,ley, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄFÄiÄrÄeÄ ÄDÄeÄpÄaÄrÄtÄmÄeÄnÄt, p. 74. € µ25´BG, May 26, 1766; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 132. € µ26´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 249; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, € May 12, 1766; ÄBÄGÄ ÄSÄuÄpÄpÄlÄeÄmÄeÄnÄt, June 2, 1 85-86. m, BPL. the summer of 1978 this and many other documents € relating to the Inferior Court of Common Pleas were € removed from storage and in the process of being identified, € catagorized and prepared for microfilming and preservation. € Therefore many of the docuhe € extent that they began to issue public statements under € the appellation of Sons of Liberty and hold meetings in € Chase and Speakman's Distillery.µ15´ Although Ebenezer € Mackintosh was not a member of the governing arm of the € Sons, he was an imp J169 169 € € µ44´Writ dated December 23, 1766, misc. document, € Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH; October 1766 € July 1767 Minute Book, p. 21, Inferior Court of Common € Pleas Recoments used in this work which € were examined in the beginning stages of this process will € be cited as "miscellaneous document." € µ40´Writ dated April 7, 1767, misc. document, Case € #295, October 1766-July 1767 Minute Book, back side of p. € 60, Iortant component in their hierarchy and € often attended their meetings.µ16´ Mackintosh's presence at € these meetings is indicative of his importance and € standing within the popular leadership. Mackintosh formed € a valuable link between the leaders ards, SCCH. € µ45´Case #397, October 1766-July 1767 Minute Book, p. € 41, Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ46´BTR, 16:203-204. € µ47´Promissory Note dated June 26, 1767, misc. € document, Inferior Court of Common Pleas Recordsnferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ41´Writ dated April 7, 1767, misc. document, Case € #339, October 1766-July 1767 Minute Book, p. 63, Inferior € Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ42´Writ dated April 7, 1767, misc. document, Ind the lower classes € of Bostonian society. Having thus established a broadly € based working organization of resistance, reaching to all € levels of society, the Boston Sons of Liberty turned their € attention towards similar organizing activities throu, SCCH. € This agreement was apparently written by Ebenezer € Mackintosh; BG, March 5, 12, 1764. € µ48´Writ dated September 16, 1768, misc. document, € Inferior Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ49´Case #271, October 1767-October 1768 Minutnferior € Court of Common Pleas Records, SCCH. € µ43´Boyle, "Boyle's Journal," p. 251; Goodell, ÄAÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄRÄeÄsÄoÄlÄvÄeÄs, 4:903-904. A good account of the events of € August 1765 and efforts to procure compensation for the € sufferers, folghout € Massachusetts and other colonies. le of Massachusetts and the other colo½- € nies as well. The Loyal Nine, who with Samuel Adams had € directed the opposition and its activities since 1764, now € became the acknowledged head of the Sons of Liberty. In € this capacity, Adams and the Nine lowed by the acts disallowance in England € may be found in Goodell, 4:931-945; An Act For Granting € Compensation to the Sufferers, and of Free and General € Pardon, Indemnity, and Oblivion to the Offenders in the € Late Times, xbH. 90A. 88. Rare Book RooJ168 168 € € µ39´Promissory Note, September 25, 1766 and Writ dated € April 1, 1767, miscellaneous document, Records of the € Inferior Court of Common Pleas, Social Law Library, SCCH. € During united various social € and political groups such as the Monday Night Club, the € Long Room Club, various members of the Merchants Committee € and of the Caucuses into a hierarchy within the Sons of € Liberty. By December 1765, this group had matured to t6Ä9Ä,Ä ÄAÄsÄ ÄRÄeÄvÄeÄaÄlÄeÄdÄ ÄiÄnÄ ÄaÄ ÄJÄoÄuÄrÄnÄaÄlÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄTÄiÄmÄeÄs (Boston: € Chapman & Grimes, 1936), p. 56. € µ62´Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, pp. 94, 135. € µ63´General Gage to Lord Hillsborough, July 7, 1770, € ClarenBTR, 20:161-162; Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," € pp. 27-28. Samuel Hughes was to become a loyalist during € the Revolution. € µ52´BTR, 20:277. € µ53´Hutchinson, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, 3:131; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, € p. 39. µ54´Andr, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 262; Gordon, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄy, € 1:339, 341; "Letter of Peter Edes," MHSP 12:175 (1871); € Justin Winsor, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄMÄeÄmÄoÄrÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ Ä.Ä Ä.Ä Ä. € Ä1Ä6Ä3Ä0Ä-Ä1Ä8Ä8Ä0 (Boston, 1880-1884), 3ce E. Carter, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄCÄoÄrÄrÄeÄsÄpÄoÄnÄdÄeÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄGÄeÄnÄeÄrÄaÄl € ÄTÄhÄoÄmÄaÄsÄ ÄGÄaÄgÄe (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, € 1931, 1933), 1:262-264; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, p. 108; € Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pews, "Boston Merchants," pp. 191-192; BTR, 16: € 221-224; BG, November 2, 1767. :49; Robbins, "Col. Thomas € Crafts," p. 34. € µ72´Wells, ÄLÄiÄfÄeÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄuÄbÄlÄiÄcÄ ÄSÄeÄrÄvÄiÄcÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄaÄmÄuÄeÄlÄ ÄAÄdÄaÄmÄs, € 2:124-125. € µ73´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 262; L.F.S. Upton, € "Proceedings of Ye Body Resp. 184. µ64´Mason to Harrison, October 19, 1769, MS Sparks 10, € 3:40, HHL. € µ65´William H. Sumner, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄEÄaÄsÄtÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn (Boston: € J.E. Tilton and Company, 1858), p. 171. J170 170 € € µ55´Andrews, "Boston Merchants," pp. 201, 205. € Schlesinger, ÄCÄoÄlÄoÄnÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄs, p. 120. € µ56´BG, January 4, 1768; Andrews, "Boston Merchants," € p. 195. €ecting the Tea," WMQ 22:300 € (1965); Niles, ÄPÄrÄiÄnÄcÄiÄpÄlÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄs, pp. 96-97. µ74´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 263. € µ75´Lossing, ÄPÄiÄcÄtÄoÄrÄiÄaÄlÄ ÄFÄiÄeÄlÄdÄ ÄBÄoÄoÄk, p. 499; Samuel A. € Drake, ÄOÄlÄdÄ ÄLÄaÄnÄdÄmJ171 171 € € µ66´BG, March 12, 1770. € µ67´Robert Treat Paine Papers, MHS; Wroth and Zobel, € ÄLÄeÄgÄaÄlÄ ÄPÄaÄpÄeÄrÄs, 3:141; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, pp. 190, 191. € µ µ57´Andrews, "Boston Merchants," p. 195. € µ58´Uncatalogued Town Papers, 7:227, Rare Book Room, € BPL. For example, a petition was presented by some of the € inhabitants of the town requesting that a more effective € law be passed for regulatinÄaÄrÄkÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄiÄcÄ ÄPÄeÄrÄsÄoÄnÄaÄgÄeÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn € (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1900, reprint edition 68´Wroth and Zobel, ÄLÄeÄgÄaÄlÄ ÄPÄaÄpÄeÄrÄs, pp. 127, 129, 142, € 183, 185; Zobel, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄrÄe, pp. 199, 200; Sumner, € ÄEÄaÄsÄtÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄn, p. 172. € µ69´Anne Hulton, ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄaÄ ÄLÄoÄyÄaÄlÄiÄsÄtÄ ÄLÄaÄdÄy (Cambrig the activities of the € tanners, curriers and cordwainers. € µ59´Uncatalogued Town Papers, 7:220A, Rare Book Room, € BPL. € µ60´BTR, 16:235. € µ61´Oliver M. Dickerson, ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄUÄnÄdÄeÄrÄ ÄMÄiÄlÄiÄtÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄRÄuÄlÄe, € Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä8Ä-Ä1Ä7Äe Book, € back side of p. 87, Inferior Court of Common Pleas, SCCH. € µ50´Case #84, Minute Books of the Superior Court of € Judicature, 15:Minute Book 89, p. 11, Office of the Clerk € of the Supreme Judicial Court for Suffolk County, SCCH. € µ51´dge, € Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927), pp. 29, 55; € Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 252. € µ70´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, pp. 206-207; € Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 245, 247, 252. € µ71´HoerderJ172 172 € € 1970), p. 283; Samuel A. Drake, ÄTÄeÄaÄ ÄLÄeÄaÄvÄeÄs (Boston: A.O. € Crane, 1884), pp. xciii, cxvvi-cxxviii. € µ76´Caleb A. Wall, ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄiÄcÄ ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄTÄeÄaÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄtÄyE4 4 € € defeated by Oliver Cromwell at the battles of Dunbar on € August 3, 1650, and Worcester on August 3, l651. Although € later pardoned by Parliament, many of them were sent to € Boston as ign began which € included the whole population.µ53´ Nonconsumption, or € boycott of English goods already within the province, € had proved to be an effective measure from 1764-1765. € Therefore on October 28, 1767 a large crowd of Bostonians € convened € (Worcester, Mass.: F.S. Blanchard & Co., 1898), p. 64. It € was through Wall's research that the Slatter Monument in € Worcester, Mass, listing the participants of the Boston € Tea Party, contains the name Peter McIntosh. Anderson, € "Ebenezer Mackintredemptioners.µ4´ Among those aboard the ÄJÄoÄhÄn € ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄSÄaÄrÄa, which arrived in Boston Harbor on May 13, 1652, € were John Mackenthow, Daniell Mackendocke and William € Mackontoss,µ5´ all surnames being variant spellings of € Mackintosh. John Mackin town meetings and entered into a nonconsump½- € tion agreement involving forty luxury items, to begin on € December 31, 1767. The meeting also called for an end to € importation and encouraged home manufacturing of such € items as glass and paper.µ54´ osh," p. 52. € µ77´Benjamin B. Thatcher, ÄTÄrÄaÄiÄtÄsÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄTÄeÄaÄ ÄPÄaÄrÄtÄy (New € York: Harper & Brothers, 1835), p. 262; Anderson, € "Ebenezer Mackintosh," p. 52. € µ78´Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," pp. 51, 53. € µ79´See alintosh's great grandson was € Ebenezer, the subject of this monograph. € Moses Mackintosh, Ebenezer's father, was seventeen € when his father died unexpectedly without leaving a € will.µ6´ For the next five years there is no record of € Moses's activ Later most of the leading € Boston merchants adopted a firm nonimportation agreement € against Great Britain. Passed on August 1, 1768, this € agreement was to be effective from January 1, 1769 to € January 1, 1770.µ55´ The clergy, members of the Counciso Anderson, "Ebenezer Mackintosh," pp. 53-54 € and Niles, ÄPÄrÄiÄnÄcÄiÄpÄlÄeÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄs, pp. 102, 111. ities. Apparently, Moses decided that his € future lay in the King's service. In April 1730, he was € listed as one of those soldiers who received medical € treatment at Castle William.µ7´ He served again at the € garrison from November 2, 1732, until Al and € the House of Representatives also contributed to the cause € by promising to wear cloth and shoes manufactured in the € colonies.µ56´ € The nonimportation and nonconsumption agreements pro½- € vided considerable impetus for colonial manufactuJ155 155 € € In Boston the popular leadership reaffirmed their € commitment to resist Parliamentary taxation. In so doing € they strengthened and expanded those tactics begun during € the Sugapril 2, 1733, when € he was one of ten men discharged.µ8´ € Following his discharge from the Castle, Moses € Mackintosh settled down in the vicinity of Dorchester, € Massachusetts. There he became acquainted with Ebenezer € Jones and his family. Thring, r Act period. Direct crowd action involving mobs € or riots would play no part in colonial opposition now € directed by the popular leadership through the Sons of € Liberty. Nonimportation became the policy of the € merchants while a nonconsumption campa of Boston's twelve wardens, as well as serving € as a member of the Loyal Nine; one of Boston's represen½- € tatives in 1765 was Thomas Cushing, another one of the € Monday Night Club. Another member of the Long Room Club, € Thomas Dawes, on June 3 was e765. This appears to have been a probable € cause hearing, in which Capt. Mackintosh, Stephen, a ser½- € vant of Francis Richie, Josiah Peirce and others were € present. The result of this hearing is unknown, but on € March 12, a Superior Court Grand Jure friendship appears to have been € a close one for on June 25, 1733, Moses witnessed a deed € by Ebenezer and Lydia Jones.µ9´ A year later on August 5, € 1734, Moses Mackintosh married Lydia, the daughter of € Ebenezer and Lydia Jones,µ10´ and they had tlected a Lieutenant of the € "ancient and Honorable Artillery Company." Benjamin Edes, € copublisher with John Gill of the ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄGÄaÄzÄeÄtÄtÄe and one € of the Loyal Nine, became one of twelve clerks of the € market. Another selectman for 1765 wy, in three separate € hearings, indicted Ebenezer Mackintosh (again spelled € McIntosh), Thomas Smith, William Larribee, John Corbit, € Samuel Richardson, Zepheniah Bassett, Isaac Bowman € Apthorp, Ichabod Simpson, John Blight, Henry Swift, Thomas € Stimpwo children. as John Hancock, one € of Boston's prominent merchants and a member of the Long € Room Club. Ebenezer Mackintosh, leader of the South End € mob, elected as a Sealer of Leather the preceding March, € was officially commissioned into that office in July wheson, Benjamin Starr, Cornelius Abbott and Benjamin € Wheeler, on the charge that they did "riotously routously € and unlawfully assault beat & grieviously wound diverse of € the subjects of said Lord the King." To these charges all € of the accused pleadeF31 31 € € Based on the above information, we may presume that € William Speakman, Joseph Warren and possibly others had an € interest in Smith, Simpson and Richardson. But as yet € Mackintosn € he received two sets of hammers with which to carry out € his duties. James Otis, the acknowledged leader of the € popular party since the writs of assistance trial fre½- € quently found himself chosen as moderator of the town € meetings. He was a med not guilty and were released.µ37´ h remained relatively unknown to these future € Sons of Liberty. This situation, however, rapidly changed € within the following months. Mackintosh, due no doubt to € his role in leading the victorious southenders, had € already begun to acquire a reputamber of the Long Room Club and the € Monday Night Club. In 1765, Otis became one of the town's € representatives. One of the signers of the Petition of € Merchants against the writs of assistance in 1761 had been € Royall Tyler. He became a member of thG61 61 € € Club, was elected to the post of Warden and Assessor, € William Cooper, also of the Long Room Club, became Town € Clerk and one of the firewards; Thomas Crafts occupied the € post of onetion. By the time of his € first trial, concerning the 1764 Pope's Day Affair, he had € become known as "Captain Mackintosh."µ36´ € According to John Rowe's diary, the first court € action regarding the riot of November 5 occurred on € February 7, 1e Long Room Club € and in 1765 an overseer of the poor. Lastly, John Winslow, mation regarding similar confrontations over the smallpox € controversy may be found in Patrick Henderson, "Smallpox € and Patriotism: The Norfolk Riots, 1768-1769, "ÄTÄhÄe € ÄVÄiÄrÄgÄiÄnÄiÄaÄ ÄMÄaÄgÄaÄzÄiÄnÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄBÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄF41 41 € µ25´M. Halsey Thomas, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄaÄmÄuÄeÄlÄ ÄSÄeÄwÄaÄlÄl, € Ä1Ä6Ä7Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä2Ä9 (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973), € 1:81, 182, 300, 2:627. For a hishim Home, I am firmly persuaded it would answer the end He was one that attended their night meetings, and knows more of their Secret Transactions than the whole of what they call Torys put together.µ64´ €pÄhÄy 73:413-424. € µ28´Minute Books of the Superior Court of Judicature, € Office of the Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court for € Suffolk County, vol. 13, Minute Book 79, p. 44. µ29´Anne R. Cunningham ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ Ä F41 41 € µ25´M. Halsey Thomas, ed., ÄTÄhÄeÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄSÄaÄmÄuÄeÄlÄ ÄSÄeÄwÄaÄlÄl, € Ä1Ä6Ä7Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä2Ä9 (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973), € 1:81, 182, 300, 2:627. For a his Consequently, although Mackintosh no longer took part € in the various crowd activities directed against indivi½- € dual soldiers or colonial importers, he maintained an € active role behind the scenes within the Sons of Liberty € organization. € oÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄn € ÄRÄoÄwÄeÄ,Ä ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä5Ä9Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä2Ä,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä9 (Boston: W.B. € Clarke Co., 1903), p. 61. µ30´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, p. 65. µ31´Massachusetts Council Minutes, tory of the celebration € in New England see CSMP 12:289f. µ26´James Freeman, ÄJÄaÄmÄeÄsÄ ÄFÄrÄeÄeÄmÄaÄnÄ'ÄsÄ ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄkÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä4Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5, € November 1764, MHS; A.C. Goodell et al., eds., ÄAÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄRÄeÄsÄoÄlÄvÄeÄsÄ,Ä ÄPÄuÄbÄlÄiÄc In spite of Mackintosh's reluctance to participate € openly in colonial resistance he was nevertheless affected € by the fateful Boston Massacre. On March 5, 1770, Samuel € Maverick, half brother of Elizabeth Maverick, Ebenezer € Mackintosh's wife,µ65´15:339, MA. Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄrÄiÄvÄaÄtÄeÄ,Ä ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄvÄiÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄBÄaÄy (Boston, 1869-1922), 3:647-648, 1752- € 1753, Ch. 18; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 72-73, 94; Alfred € F. Young, Pope's Day, Tar and Fea had worked till 8:30 P.M. Now € seventeen, he worked as an apprentice to the ivory turner, € Isaac Greenwood.µ66´ Following work Maverick had gone to € Jonathan Cary's home for supper. While there the bells of € Brattle Square and Old Brick Churches raJ158 158 € ‰You may please to remember I hinted to you formerly, that if one McIntosh in this Town was apprehended, it would be a means of unra½- velling the thers, and Coronet € Joyce, jun. From Ritual to Rebellion in Boston, 1745- € 1775" (Paper prepared for the Anglo-American Labor € Historians' Conference, Rutgers Univ., April 1973). µ27´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 52. Additional infor½- €ng; whereupon € Cary's four sons, Maverick and another teenager told Cary € that they would eat a little more and then be off to the € fire.µ67´ 0nce in King Street they found a large crowd € surrounding a group of soldiers at the Custom House. whole Scene of Iniquity. The Man has already been threatened with Death in case he should inform: As to any Evidence this side the Water it would weigh but little, but if Government should think proper to send for pÄhÄy 73:413-424. € µ28´Minute Books of the Superior Court of Judicature, € Office of the Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court for € Suffolk County, vol. 13, Minute Book 79, p. 44. µ29´Anne R. Cunningham ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄyÄ Ä oÄfÄ ÄJÄoÄhÄn € ÄRÄoÄwÄeÄ,Ä ÄBÄoÄsÄtÄoÄnÄ ÄMÄeÄrÄcÄhÄaÄnÄtÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä5Ä9Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä2Ä,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä4Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä7Ä9 (Boston: W.B. € Clarke Co., 1903), p. 61. µ30´Cunningham, ed., ÄLÄeÄtÄtÄeÄrÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄDÄiÄaÄrÄy, p. 65. µ31´Massachusetts Council Minutes, tory of the celebration € in New England see CSMP 12:289f. µ26´James Freeman, ÄJÄaÄmÄeÄsÄ ÄFÄrÄeÄeÄmÄaÄnÄ'ÄsÄ ÄNÄoÄtÄeÄbÄoÄoÄkÄ,Ä Ä1Ä7Ä4Ä5Ä-Ä1Ä7Ä6Ä5, € November 1764, MHS; A.C. Goodell et al., eds., ÄAÄcÄtÄsÄ ÄaÄnÄd € ÄRÄeÄsÄoÄlÄvÄeÄsÄ,Ä ÄPÄuÄbÄlÄiÄc 15:339, MA. Ä ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄPÄrÄiÄvÄaÄtÄeÄ,Ä ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄeÄ ÄPÄrÄoÄvÄiÄnÄcÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄtÄhÄe € ÄMÄaÄsÄsÄaÄcÄhÄuÄsÄeÄtÄtÄsÄ ÄBÄaÄy (Boston, 1869-1922), 3:647-648, 1752- € 1753, Ch. 18; Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, pp. 72-73, 94; Alfred € F. Young, Pope's Day, Tar and Fea thers, and Coronet € Joyce, jun. From Ritual to Rebellion in Boston, 1745- € 1775" (Paper prepared for the Anglo-American Labor € Historians' Conference, Rutgers Univ., April 1973). µ27´Hoerder, ÄCÄrÄoÄwÄdÄ ÄAÄcÄtÄiÄoÄn, p. 52. Additional infor½- € mation regarding similar confrontations over the smallpox € controversy may be found in Patrick Henderson, "Smallpox € and Patriotism: The Norfolk Riots, 1768-1769," ÄTÄhÄe € ÄVÄiÄrÄgÄiÄnÄiÄaÄ ÄMÄaÄgÄaÄzÄiÄnÄeÄ ÄoÄfÄ ÄHÄiÄsÄtÄoÄrÄyÄ ÄaÄnÄdÄ ÄBÄiÄoÄgÄrÄaÄ